Connect with us

Government

A timeline of the Fed’s 2022–2023 rate hikes and the factors that caused them

Through its rate hikes in 2022 & 2023, the Fed aimed to contain inflationary forces and maintain “maximum” levels of employment — all while steering…

Published

on

The Fed attempted to ensure that as many Americans as possible had work through the Covid-19 pandemic, even though inflationary forces were rising.

Kevin LeVick/TheStreet

The Covid-19 pandemic changed the world as we know it — more than 9.6 million people died, and countless more became ill: according to the CDC, 77% of Americans have been infected at least once. 

At the outset of the pandemic, people were stuck under stay-at-home restrictions, which caused businesses to shutter and snarled supply chains. GDP plummeted, the stock market crashed, and millions of people lost their jobs.

Through legislation like the CARES Act, the U.S. government granted forgivable loans to small businesses and sent stimulus checks to individuals and families struggling to make ends meet. In such a difficult time, the last thing the U.S. Federal Reserve wanted to do was make it harder for Americans to find work. That’s why the Fed waited so long to start hiking interest rates.

What are Fed rate hikes?

It’s important to note that the Fed does much more for the economy than simply adjust the dial on interest rates. It regulates the country’s banks, ensures the stability of its financial markets, and sets policies that maintain its dual mandate of promoting stable prices and maximum employment for the American people.

Unemployment levels skyrocketed during the Covid-19 pandemic, peaking at 14.7% in April 2020, and they wouldn’t return to pre-pandemic levels until March 2022. Therefore, the Fed’s first goal was to foster a favorable environment for job creation. It actually cut interest rates to zero in March 2020 and held them steady for two years.

Because unemployment levels skyrocketed in 2020 and 2021, the Fed decided not to hike interest rates.

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Unemployment Rate [UNRATE], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; January 29, 2024.

Low interest rates make it easier for businesses to expand, homebuyers to obtain mortgages, and banks to lend to each other, all of which spur economic growth — and thus create more jobs.

For example, after the Financial Crisis of 2007–2008 and the subsequent Great Recession, the longest economic downturn since the Great Depression, the Federal Reserve, led by then-Fed Chair Ben Bernanke, slashed interest rates to nearly 0% for 6 years. Because businesses could access more credit, many hired more workers. As a result, the job market strengthened, ushering in one of the longest bull markets the United States has ever known.

Related: Looking back at the banking crisis of 2023

According to the Fed, the economy reaches “maximum” employment levels when everyone who wants a job has one — without generating inflationary pressures. But when inflation starts to creep in, the Fed must take the appropriate steps to tame these pressures, and one of the first ways it does so is by hiking interest rates.

How does the Fed decide when and how much to increase interest rates?

When the Fed meets every six weeks at its Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meetings, it looks at a wide range of economic indicators to determine whether to maintain, raise, or lower interest the Fed Funds rate, which is the interest rate range at which banks lend to one another and the prevailing interest rate that informs all others.

One of the reports it watches closely is the Employment Situation Report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. This contains a survey of 60,000 U.S. households conducted by the U.S. Census that determines the country’s unemployment rate. The Fed also keeps an eye on the percentage of the population actively looking for work (the Labor Force Participation Rate), the number of people who have left their jobs (Labor Turnover Survey), and the number of job openings (JOLTS), to name a few.

But during the Covid-19 pandemic, in August 2020, Fed Chair Jerome Powell made an important change to the Fed’s overall strategy, calling maximum employment “a broad-based and inclusive goal.” He went on to say:

“Our policy decision will be informed by our assessments of the shortfalls of employment from its maximum level rather than by deviations from its maximum level… This change may appear subtle, but it reflects our view that a robust job market can be sustained without causing an outbreak of inflation.”

—Fed Chair Jerome Powell

Basically, that meant that the Fed wouldn’t be hiking interest rates just because unemployment levels were falling.

The Fed waited until March 2022 to raise interest rates because it wanted workers in low- and moderate-income communities to feel the benefits of a strong job market, something that became apparent during its “Fed Listens” tour, a series of events involving a diverse group of Americans, from union members to small business owners, retirees, and more. 

“One of the clear messages we heard was that the strong labor market that prevailed before the pandemic was generating employment opportunities for many Americans who in the past had not found jobs readily available. A clear takeaway from these events was the importance of achieving and sustaining a strong job market, particularly for people from low- and moderate-income communities,” the Fed stated.

The National Institute of Health (NIH) reported that Covid-19-related employment changes were “inequitably patterned by race, gender, and education,” as Black, Latinx, and non-white women without a high school degree faced the highest percentage of job losses. For example, Black, Latinx, and other non-white men without a high school degree were 90% less likely to switch to remote work than similar demographics with a high school degree, and the NIH added that none of the men it interviewed between May 2020 and May 2021 were able to make that transition.

The White House also found that Black Americans’ unemployment levels peaked at 16.8% during the Covid-19 pandemic, which was substantially higher than the national average of 14.7%. And since 2020, the report discovered that Black men and women had particularly benefited from the exceptionally tight labor market, seeing wages rise 7.8% compared with just 6.3% overall, as they transitioned into higher-paying jobs and industries.

The Fed’s goal of inclusivity wasn’t solely centered on racial demographics. Powell also noted that the Fed monitored unemployment rates and participation rates for different age groups as well as genders. According to the U.S. Department of Labor, unemployment levels for women, for instance, peaked at 15.5% in April 2020, which was 0.8% higher than the national average. In testimony to Congress in February 2021, Powell noted that many women had left the workforce to care for their families during the pandemic — and added that improved access to child care might help them return to their jobs.

Inflation, as measured by the PCE index, tracks a 12-month change in consumer spending. It has been above the Fed’s 2% target since March 2021.

U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, Personal Consumption Expenditures [PCE], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; January 29, 2024.

How do rate hikes curb inflation?

At the Fed’s January 2022 FOMC press conference, Powell stated that the Fed believed that “maximum” employment levels had been achieved. And while the Fed kept interest rates at near-zero levels, he predicted a rate hike in the near future, eyeing “a backdrop of elevated inflation.”

Inflation, which is defined as a period of rising prices, can spell disaster for an economy because businesses raise prices and workers expect more money, but people don’t actually have more money to compensate, which results in lower demand, souring confidence, and often, recession.

By 2021, the goods and services people needed to live their everyday lives had suddenly become more expensive. Powell attributed this to the supply and demand imbalances created by the pandemic and labeled it a “transitory” phenomenon at his July 28 press conference. At the January 2022 Fed meeting, he added that the Fed expected inflation would decline over the year.

But it didn’t.

Between March 2020 and January 2022, the average annual inflation rate was 6.34% according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, which resulted in an 11% increase in prices as measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI). The CPI rose to 9.1% in June 2022 alone, and food and energy prices soared — Russia’s invasion of Ukraine only exacerbated the problem. The Fed needed to take drastic measures to get the economy back on track.

Powell took a page from the book of another Fed Chair, Paul Volcker, who back in the 1970s had defeated the inflation monster. Inflation was even worse then than it was in the post-pandemic era, hitting 11% by 1979 and accelerating by 1% each month.

Volcker combated inflation by raising interest rates to staggering levels.

In just 2 years, Volcker hiked interest rates from 11.2% to an astounding 20%, effectively putting a temporary stranglehold on the economy. (That’s because when interest rates are high, banks are less willing to lend, businesses may cut their workforce, and the economy contracts.)

But in the end, Volcker’s tough-love tactics proved successful. By December 1982, the CPI was flat, and by 1986, it would hit the Fed’s 2% target.

How many times did the Fed increase rates? When is the next Fed rate hike?

The Fed hiked interest rates a total of 11 times between March 2022 and January 2024. This made the cost of borrowing more expensive, and the housing market slowed. The stock market also clocked in a lousy 2022, with the S&P 500 losing 19.4%.

But in 2023, the results the Fed was hoping for finally came to light as headline inflation fell by 3.1%. GDP continued to grow — by 3.3% in the fourth quarter alone, which was well above the 1.5% consensus estimates. And despite higher rates, consumer spending remained strong. Many believe the Fed achieved its hoped-for “soft landing,” which happens when it tightens interest rates but avoids a recession.

The Fed’s last rate hike, a 25-basis point increase, was on July 27, 2023.

As of January 2024, the Fed funds rate stands at 5.4%, its highest level since 2002.

Analysts predict the Fed will hold interest rates steady through its next few meetings and could begin cutting them as early as May 2024. (Access the Fed’s meeting schedule.)

A timeline of the Fed's interest rate hikes 2022–2023

  • March 3, 2020: Citing “evolving risks to economic activity” from the coronavirus outbreak, the Fed held an emergency meeting, cutting interest rates by 0.5% to 1.0–1.25%
  • March 11, 2020: The World Health Organization (WHO) declares Covid-19 a global pandemic
  • March 15, 2020: In another emergency meeting, the Fed slashes rates to zero (a range of 0–0.25%) and launches a $700 billion quantitative easing program
  • March 16, 2020: The Dow falls 12.9%, triggering a stock market crash. It would go on to lose a total of 37% before ending the year with a 7.3% gain
  • April 2020: U.S. unemployment reaches an average of 14.7%, its highest level since 1948, although job losses for women and minorities are even higher
  • August 28, 2020: At an economic symposium in Jackson Hole, the Fed announces a new strategy that calls maximum employment “a broad-based and inclusive goal”
  • July 28, 2021: The Fed holds rates steady at near-zero levels, labelling rising inflation a “transitory” phenomenon
  • January 26, 2022: Powell states that “labor market conditions are consistent with maximum employment” and predicts future interest rate hikes
  • February 24, 2022: Russia invades Ukraine
  • March 16, 2022: The Fed makes its first interest rate increase since 2018, raising rates by 0.25% to a level of 0.25–0.50%
  • May 5, 2022: The Fed increases interest rates 0.50% to 0.75–1.00% and states that it anticipates ongoing increases to be “appropriate”
  • June 2022: Inflation, as measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI), peaks at 9.1%
  • June 16, 2022: The Fed raises rates 0.75% to 1.50–1.75%
  • July 28, 2022: The Fed hikes rates another 0.75% to 2.25–2.50%
  • September 22, 2022: The Fed delivers another 0.75% rate increase, bringing rates to 3.00–3.25%
  • November 3, 2022: It increases rates by 0.75% to 3.75–4.00%, adding that it is “prepared to adjust the stance of monetary policy as appropriate if risks emerge”
  • December 15, 2022: This time, the Fed raises rates by 0.5% to 4.25–4.50%
  • February 2, 2023: It adds another 0.25% increase to 4.50–4.75%
  • March 23, 2023: The Fed increases interest rates by an additional 0.25% to 4.75–5.0% and launches the Bank Term Funding Program, which will aid distressed banks suffering from interest-rate risk
  • May 4, 2023: The Fed hikes another 0.25% to 5.00–5.25%
  • July 27, 2023: The Fed delivers its final 0.25% increase of 2023, bringing rates to 5.25–5.50%
A timeline of Fed Rate hikes during 2022 and 2023

Read More

Continue Reading

Government

President Biden Delivers The “Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President”

President Biden Delivers The "Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President"

Having successfully raged, ranted, lied, and yelled through…

Published

on

President Biden Delivers The "Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President"

Having successfully raged, ranted, lied, and yelled through the State of The Union, President Biden can go back to his crypt now.

Whatever 'they' gave Biden, every American man, woman, and the other should be allowed to take it - though it seems the cocktail brings out 'dark Brandon'?

Tl;dw: Biden's Speech tonight ...

  • Fund Ukraine.

  • Trump is threat to democracy and America itself.

  • Abortion is good.

  • American Economy is stronger than ever.

  • Inflation wasn't Biden's fault.

  • Illegals are Americans too.

  • Republicans are responsible for the border crisis.

  • Trump is bad.

  • Biden stands with trans-children.

  • J6 was the worst insurrection since the Civil War.

(h/t @TCDMS99)

Tucker Carlson's response sums it all up perfectly:

"that was possibly the darkest, most un-American speech given by an American president. It wasn't a speech, it was a rant..."

Carlson continued: "The true measure of a nation's greatness lies within its capacity to control borders, yet Bid refuses to do it."

"In a fair election, Joe Biden cannot win"

And concluded:

“There was not a meaningful word for the entire duration about the things that actually matter to people who live here.”

Victor Davis Hanson added some excellent color, but this was probably the best line on Biden:

"he doesn't care... he lives in an alternative reality."

*  *  *

Watch SOTU Live here...

*   *   *

Mises' Connor O'Keeffe, warns: "Be on the Lookout for These Lies in Biden's State of the Union Address." 

On Thursday evening, President Joe Biden is set to give his third State of the Union address. The political press has been buzzing with speculation over what the president will say. That speculation, however, is focused more on how Biden will perform, and which issues he will prioritize. Much of the speech is expected to be familiar.

The story Biden will tell about what he has done as president and where the country finds itself as a result will be the same dishonest story he's been telling since at least the summer.

He'll cite government statistics to say the economy is growing, unemployment is low, and inflation is down.

Something that has been frustrating Biden, his team, and his allies in the media is that the American people do not feel as economically well off as the official data says they are. Despite what the White House and establishment-friendly journalists say, the problem lies with the data, not the American people's ability to perceive their own well-being.

As I wrote back in January, the reason for the discrepancy is the lack of distinction made between private economic activity and government spending in the most frequently cited economic indicators. There is an important difference between the two:

  • Government, unlike any other entity in the economy, can simply take money and resources from others to spend on things and hire people. Whether or not the spending brings people value is irrelevant

  • It's the private sector that's responsible for producing goods and services that actually meet people's needs and wants. So, the private components of the economy have the most significant effect on people's economic well-being.

Recently, government spending and hiring has accounted for a larger than normal share of both economic activity and employment. This means the government is propping up these traditional measures, making the economy appear better than it actually is. Also, many of the jobs Biden and his allies take credit for creating will quickly go away once it becomes clear that consumers don't actually want whatever the government encouraged these companies to produce.

On top of all that, the administration is dealing with the consequences of their chosen inflation rhetoric.

Since its peak in the summer of 2022, the president's team has talked about inflation "coming back down," which can easily give the impression that it's prices that will eventually come back down.

But that's not what that phrase means. It would be more honest to say that price increases are slowing down.

Americans are finally waking up to the fact that the cost of living will not return to prepandemic levels, and they're not happy about it.

The president has made some clumsy attempts at damage control, such as a Super Bowl Sunday video attacking food companies for "shrinkflation"—selling smaller portions at the same price instead of simply raising prices.

In his speech Thursday, Biden is expected to play up his desire to crack down on the "corporate greed" he's blaming for high prices.

In the name of "bringing down costs for Americans," the administration wants to implement targeted price ceilings - something anyone who has taken even a single economics class could tell you does more harm than good. Biden would never place the blame for the dramatic price increases we've experienced during his term where it actually belongs—on all the government spending that he and President Donald Trump oversaw during the pandemic, funded by the creation of $6 trillion out of thin air - because that kind of spending is precisely what he hopes to kick back up in a second term.

If reelected, the president wants to "revive" parts of his so-called Build Back Better agenda, which he tried and failed to pass in his first year. That would bring a significant expansion of domestic spending. And Biden remains committed to the idea that Americans must be forced to continue funding the war in Ukraine. That's another topic Biden is expected to highlight in the State of the Union, likely accompanied by the lie that Ukraine spending is good for the American economy. It isn't.

It's not possible to predict all the ways President Biden will exaggerate, mislead, and outright lie in his speech on Thursday. But we can be sure of two things. The "state of the Union" is not as strong as Biden will say it is. And his policy ambitions risk making it much worse.

*  *  *

The American people will be tuning in on their smartphones, laptops, and televisions on Thursday evening to see if 'sloppy joe' 81-year-old President Joe Biden can coherently put together more than two sentences (even with a teleprompter) as he gives his third State of the Union in front of a divided Congress. 

President Biden will speak on various topics to convince voters why he shouldn't be sent to a retirement home.

According to CNN sources, here are some of the topics Biden will discuss tonight:

  • Economic issues: Biden and his team have been drafting a speech heavy on economic populism, aides said, with calls for higher taxes on corporations and the wealthy – an attempt to draw a sharp contrast with Republicans and their likely presidential nominee, Donald Trump.

  • Health care expenses: Biden will also push for lowering health care costs and discuss his efforts to go after drug manufacturers to lower the cost of prescription medications — all issues his advisers believe can help buoy what have been sagging economic approval ratings.

  • Israel's war with Hamas: Also looming large over Biden's primetime address is the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, which has consumed much of the president's time and attention over the past few months. The president's top national security advisers have been working around the clock to try to finalize a ceasefire-hostages release deal by Ramadan, the Muslim holy month that begins next week.

  • An argument for reelection: Aides view Thursday's speech as a critical opportunity for the president to tout his accomplishments in office and lay out his plans for another four years in the nation's top job. Even though viewership has declined over the years, the yearly speech reliably draws tens of millions of households.

Sources provided more color on Biden's SOTU address: 

The speech is expected to be heavy on economic populism. The president will talk about raising taxes on corporations and the wealthy. He'll highlight efforts to cut costs for the American people, including pushing Congress to help make prescription drugs more affordable.

Biden will talk about the need to preserve democracy and freedom, a cornerstone of his re-election bid. That includes protecting and bolstering reproductive rights, an issue Democrats believe will energize voters in November. Biden is also expected to promote his unity agenda, a key feature of each of his addresses to Congress while in office.

Biden is also expected to give remarks on border security while the invasion of illegals has become one of the most heated topics among American voters. A majority of voters are frustrated with radical progressives in the White House facilitating the illegal migrant invasion. 

It is probable that the president will attribute the failure of the Senate border bill to the Republicans, a claim many voters view as unfounded. This is because the White House has the option to issue an executive order to restore border security, yet opts not to do so

Maybe this is why? 

While Biden addresses the nation, the Biden administration will be armed with a social media team to pump propaganda to at least 100 million Americans. 

"The White House hosted about 70 creators, digital publishers, and influencers across three separate events" on Wednesday and Thursday, a White House official told CNN. 

Not a very capable social media team... 

The administration's move to ramp up social media operations comes as users on X are mostly free from government censorship with Elon Musk at the helm. This infuriates Democrats, who can no longer censor their political enemies on X. 

Meanwhile, Democratic lawmakers tell Axios that the president's SOTU performance will be critical as he tries to dispel voter concerns about his elderly age. The address reached as many as 27 million people in 2023. 

"We are all nervous," said one House Democrat, citing concerns about the president's "ability to speak without blowing things."

The SOTU address comes as Biden's polling data is in the dumps

BetOnline has created several money-making opportunities for gamblers tonight, such as betting on what word Biden mentions the most. 

As well as...

We will update you when Tucker Carlson's live feed of SOTU is published. 

Tyler Durden Fri, 03/08/2024 - 07:44

Read More

Continue Reading

International

What is intersectionality and why does it make feminism more effective?

The social categories that we belong to shape our understanding of the world in different ways.

Published

on

Mary Long/Shutterstock

The way we talk about society and the people and structures in it is constantly changing. One term you may come across this International Women’s Day is “intersectionality”. And specifically, the concept of “intersectional feminism”.

Intersectionality refers to the fact that everyone is part of multiple social categories. These include gender, social class, sexuality, (dis)ability and racialisation (when people are divided into “racial” groups often based on skin colour or features).

These categories are not independent of each other, they intersect. This looks different for every person. For example, a black woman without a disability will have a different experience of society than a white woman without a disability – or a black woman with a disability.

An intersectional approach makes social policy more inclusive and just. Its value was evident in research during the pandemic, when it became clear that women from various groups, those who worked in caring jobs and who lived in crowded circumstances were much more likely to die from COVID.

A long-fought battle

American civil rights leader and scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw first introduced the term intersectionality in a 1989 paper. She argued that focusing on a single form of oppression (such as gender or race) perpetuated discrimination against black women, who are simultaneously subjected to both racism and sexism.

Crenshaw gave a name to ways of thinking and theorising that black and Latina feminists, as well as working-class and lesbian feminists, had argued for decades. The Combahee River Collective of black lesbians was groundbreaking in this work.

They called for strategic alliances with black men to oppose racism, white women to oppose sexism and lesbians to oppose homophobia. This was an example of how an intersectional understanding of identity and social power relations can create more opportunities for action.

These ideas have, through political struggle, come to be accepted in feminist thinking and women’s studies scholarship. An increasing number of feminists now use the term “intersectional feminism”.

The term has moved from academia to feminist activist and social justice circles and beyond in recent years. Its popularity and widespread use means it is subjected to much scrutiny and debate about how and when it should be employed. For example, some argue that it should always include attention to racism and racialisation.

Recognising more issues makes feminism more effective

In writing about intersectionality, Crenshaw argued that singular approaches to social categories made black women’s oppression invisible. Many black feminists have pointed out that white feminists frequently overlook how racial categories shape different women’s experiences.

One example is hair discrimination. It is only in the 2020s that many organisations in South Africa, the UK and US have recognised that it is discriminatory to regulate black women’s hairstyles in ways that render their natural hair unacceptable.

This is an intersectional approach. White women and most black men do not face the same discrimination and pressures to straighten their hair.

View from behind of a young, black woman speaking to female colleagues in an office
Intersectionality can lead to more inclusive organisations, activism and social movements. Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

“Abortion on demand” in the 1970s and 1980s in the UK and USA took no account of the fact that black women in these and many other countries needed to campaign against being given abortions against their will. The fight for reproductive justice does not look the same for all women.

Similarly, the experiences of working-class women have frequently been rendered invisible in white, middle class feminist campaigns and writings. Intersectionality means that these issues are recognised and fought for in an inclusive and more powerful way.

In the 35 years since Crenshaw coined the term, feminist scholars have analysed how women are positioned in society, for example, as black, working-class, lesbian or colonial subjects. Intersectionality reminds us that fruitful discussions about discrimination and justice must acknowledge how these different categories affect each other and their associated power relations.

This does not mean that research and policy cannot focus predominantly on one social category, such as race, gender or social class. But it does mean that we cannot, and should not, understand those categories in isolation of each other.

Ann Phoenix does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Read More

Continue Reading

Government

Biden defends immigration policy during State of the Union, blaming Republicans in Congress for refusing to act

A rising number of Americans say that immigration is the country’s biggest problem. Biden called for Congress to pass a bipartisan border and immigration…

Published

on

By

President Joe Biden delivers his State of the Union address on March 7, 2024. Alex Brandon-Pool/Getty Images

President Joe Biden delivered the annual State of the Union address on March 7, 2024, casting a wide net on a range of major themes – the economy, abortion rights, threats to democracy, the wars in Gaza and Ukraine – that are preoccupying many Americans heading into the November presidential election.

The president also addressed massive increases in immigration at the southern border and the political battle in Congress over how to manage it. “We can fight about the border, or we can fix it. I’m ready to fix it,” Biden said.

But while Biden stressed that he wants to overcome political division and take action on immigration and the border, he cautioned that he will not “demonize immigrants,” as he said his predecessor, former President Donald Trump, does.

“I will not separate families. I will not ban people from America because of their faith,” Biden said.

Biden’s speech comes as a rising number of American voters say that immigration is the country’s biggest problem.

Immigration law scholar Jean Lantz Reisz answers four questions about why immigration has become a top issue for Americans, and the limits of presidential power when it comes to immigration and border security.

President Joe Biden stands surrounded by people in formal clothing and smiles. One man holds a cell phone camera close up to his face.
President Joe Biden arrives to deliver the State of the Union address at the US Capitol on March 7, 2024. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

1. What is driving all of the attention and concern immigration is receiving?

The unprecedented number of undocumented migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border right now has drawn national concern to the U.S. immigration system and the president’s enforcement policies at the border.

Border security has always been part of the immigration debate about how to stop unlawful immigration.

But in this election, the immigration debate is also fueled by images of large groups of migrants crossing a river and crawling through barbed wire fences. There is also news of standoffs between Texas law enforcement and U.S. Border Patrol agents and cities like New York and Chicago struggling to handle the influx of arriving migrants.

Republicans blame Biden for not taking action on what they say is an “invasion” at the U.S. border. Democrats blame Republicans for refusing to pass laws that would give the president the power to stop the flow of migration at the border.

2. Are Biden’s immigration policies effective?

Confusion about immigration laws may be the reason people believe that Biden is not implementing effective policies at the border.

The U.S. passed a law in 1952 that gives any person arriving at the border or inside the U.S. the right to apply for asylum and the right to legally stay in the country, even if that person crossed the border illegally. That law has not changed.

Courts struck down many of former President Donald Trump’s policies that tried to limit immigration. Trump was able to lawfully deport migrants at the border without processing their asylum claims during the COVID-19 pandemic under a public health law called Title 42. Biden continued that policy until the legal justification for Title 42 – meaning the public health emergency – ended in 2023.

Republicans falsely attribute the surge in undocumented migration to the U.S. over the past three years to something they call Biden’s “open border” policy. There is no such policy.

Multiple factors are driving increased migration to the U.S.

More people are leaving dangerous or difficult situations in their countries, and some people have waited to migrate until after the COVID-19 pandemic ended. People who smuggle migrants are also spreading misinformation to migrants about the ability to enter and stay in the U.S.

Joe Biden wears a black blazer and a black hat as he stands next to a bald white man wearing a green uniform and a white truck that says 'Border Patrol' in green
President Joe Biden walks with Jason Owens, the chief of the U.S. Border Patrol, as he visits the U.S.-Mexico border in Brownsville, Texas, on Feb. 29, 2024. Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

3. How much power does the president have over immigration?

The president’s power regarding immigration is limited to enforcing existing immigration laws. But the president has broad authority over how to enforce those laws.

For example, the president can place every single immigrant unlawfully present in the U.S. in deportation proceedings. Because there is not enough money or employees at federal agencies and courts to accomplish that, the president will usually choose to prioritize the deportation of certain immigrants, like those who have committed serious and violent crimes in the U.S.

The federal agency Immigration and Customs Enforcement deported more than 142,000 immigrants from October 2022 through September 2023, double the number of people it deported the previous fiscal year.

But under current law, the president does not have the power to summarily expel migrants who say they are afraid of returning to their country. The law requires the president to process their claims for asylum.

Biden’s ability to enforce immigration law also depends on a budget approved by Congress. Without congressional approval, the president cannot spend money to build a wall, increase immigration detention facilities’ capacity or send more Border Patrol agents to process undocumented migrants entering the country.

A large group of people are seen sitting and standing along a tall brown fence in an empty area of brown dirt.
Migrants arrive at the border between El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, to surrender to American Border Patrol agents on March 5, 2024. Lokman Vural Elibol/Anadolu via Getty Images

4. How could Biden address the current immigration problems in this country?

In early 2024, Republicans in the Senate refused to pass a bill – developed by a bipartisan team of legislators – that would have made it harder to get asylum and given Biden the power to stop taking asylum applications when migrant crossings reached a certain number.

During his speech, Biden called this bill the “toughest set of border security reforms we’ve ever seen in this country.”

That bill would have also provided more federal money to help immigration agencies and courts quickly review more asylum claims and expedite the asylum process, which remains backlogged with millions of cases, Biden said. Biden said the bipartisan deal would also hire 1,500 more border security agents and officers, as well as 4,300 more asylum officers.

Removing this backlog in immigration courts could mean that some undocumented migrants, who now might wait six to eight years for an asylum hearing, would instead only wait six weeks, Biden said. That means it would be “highly unlikely” migrants would pay a large amount to be smuggled into the country, only to be “kicked out quickly,” Biden said.

“My Republican friends, you owe it to the American people to get this bill done. We need to act,” Biden said.

Biden’s remarks calling for Congress to pass the bill drew jeers from some in the audience. Biden quickly responded, saying that it was a bipartisan effort: “What are you against?” he asked.

Biden is now considering using section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to get more control over immigration. This sweeping law allows the president to temporarily suspend or restrict the entry of all foreigners if their arrival is detrimental to the U.S.

This obscure law gained attention when Trump used it in January 2017 to implement a travel ban on foreigners from mainly Muslim countries. The Supreme Court upheld the travel ban in 2018.

Trump again also signed an executive order in April 2020 that blocked foreigners who were seeking lawful permanent residency from entering the country for 60 days, citing this same section of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

Biden did not mention any possible use of section 212(f) during his State of the Union speech. If the president uses this, it would likely be challenged in court. It is not clear that 212(f) would apply to people already in the U.S., and it conflicts with existing asylum law that gives people within the U.S. the right to seek asylum.

Jean Lantz Reisz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Read More

Continue Reading

Trending