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Week Ahead: Digesting Implications of the FOMC, EMU and Tokyo August CPI, and China’s PMI

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most important outcome of the last week’s flurry of central bank meetings was
the median forecast of Fed officials for 50 bp less in cuts next year…

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The most important outcome of the last week's flurry of central bank meetings was the median forecast of Fed officials for 50 bp less in cuts next year than it had anticipated in June as it revised up its growth forecasts for this year and next. The prospect for higher rates for pushed equities lower. Sterling and the Swiss franc were the weakest currencies in the G10 last week, falling by a little more than 1.1%. Both central banks did not hike rates to the surprise of many. Norway more than Sweden held out the possibility of another hike in Q4, while the Riksbank's decision hedge a quarter of its reserves, which seems like intervention, failed to give krona much of a boost, rising about 0.25% against the euro. The Bank of Canada stood pat earlier this month, but stronger economic data saw a nearly doubling to the perceived odds of a Bank of Canada rate hike next month to a little less than 50%.

Japanese officials are threatening intervention but the "higher for longer" signal by the Federal Reserve and the rise in US 10-year yields suggests the yen's weakness is fundamentally driven. Federal Reserve Chair Powell said at least a half-of-a-dozen times the press conference "proceed carefully" but this applies to Japan, as well. If intervention requires the sales of Treasuries (last September and October, Japan's holdings of Treasuries fell by about $130 bln) that could push up US interest rates, which could encourage others to buy dollars. One takeaway from last year's experience is to intervene when one believes US rates are near a high. Higher US rates make some carry trades more attractive, and this adds the weight on the Chinese yuan. The impact of the numerous measures that have been announced are likely to begin percolating and the September PMI may reflect it. The base effect warns of a sharp drop in the eurozone's September CPI due on September 29. Tokyo's September headline and core CPI measures are expected to continue to soften. In the US, the CPI has already delivered the inflation signal, the headline ticked up, but the core likely softened.

 

United States:  We are in between the FOMC meeting and the next employment report. The deceleration of the labor market is expected be continuing and the early estimates are coming in around 150k (vs. 187k in August). If true, it would the second-lowest nonfarm payroll growth since the start of 2021 but could be consistent with a tick lower in the unemployment rate. The market will look past the distortions caused by the labor strikes. In the week ahead, house prices, new home sales (both are expected to have softened) and durable goods orders (second consecutive decline is expected) will be reported. Without the decline in transportation orders (see Boeing), a small increase is possible, may draw some attention. But the main interest will be on the personal income and consumption data. The rise in personal income may have doubled from the 0.2% increase in July. The 0.4% gain would match this year's average through July, the same as the first seven months of 2022. Consumption is likely to have downshifted. After increasing by 0.8% in July, the most since January, the median forecast is for a 0.5% increase, which is still strong. This year's monthly average through July is 0.6%, slightly off last year's pace. Consumption expenditures have been outstripping income, which is translated into lower savings but that may have changed a little in August. 

Although the Fed targets the headline PCE deflator, the CPI is stealing most of its thunder. The headline deflator is seen rising by 0.4% for a 3.4% year-over-year increase (from 3.3%). The core deflator is projected to have increased by 0.2%. That would allow the year-over-year rate to ease to 3.8%-3.9%, which would be the lowest since Q3 21. The way that officials could signal a desire to look past the impact of higher energy prices, which acts as a tax consumption, would be to focus even more on the core rate. Meanwhile, time is running out for the US Congress to pass the appropriations bills or there will be a partial government shutdown. This coupled with the (broadening) UAW strike, the resumption of student debt servicing, the higher energy prices, and the tightening of lending conditions set the stage for a significant economic slowdown in Q4.

The Dollar Index is near the year's high set in March near 105.90. It looks poised to take it out, which would target the 107.20 area, the (50%) retracement of the decline since last September's multiyear high around 114.75. The momentum indicators are stretched, which is hardly surprising given that the Dollar Index has risen for 10 consecutive weeks. Still, the five- and 20-day moving average are still moving higher. Last week's low, set prior to the FOMC decision was almost 104.65. It may take a close below there to signal an end of this run-up. Initial support may be seen in the 105.20-30 area. 

China:  In an unusual calendar twist, China's Caixin PMI will be released before the official one (September 29 vs. September 30). Still, the sequence is not so important and the composites (51.7 vs. 51.3 for the Caixin and official measures, respectively, in July). It seems quite fashionable in the Anglo-American press to frame China's economic challenges in structural terms. And indeed, there does seem to be some structural elements. However, market participants seem to often emphasize structural drivers and under-estimate cyclical forces. Beijing may not be addressing its structural challenges (at the risk of oversimplifying, over-reliance on debt-fueled infrastructure investment and real estate), but it seeking to boost cyclical growth through various channels. These include lower rates, credit easing, encouraging more spending by local governments, allowing re-negotiations of existing mortgages, and lower down payment requirements. 

Chinese officials have been able to moderate the yuan's decline. Here in Q3, it is off by about 0.6%, which is less than all the G10 currencies but the Norwegian krone, and all but a handful of emerging market currencies. Still, while the policy divergence is large and the dollar is remains broadly stronger, Beijing faces an uphill battle. The dollar settled on weekly basis this year only once CNY7.30, and it was narrowly averted last week (CNY7.2990). The JP Morgan Emerging Market Currency Index is off nearly 3.5% this quarter. Note that Chinese markets are closed for national holidays for the first week in October. 

Eurozone: Some hawks at the European Central Bank want the markets to still believe that the tightening cycle is not over but the market is having little to do with it. The swaps market has a little more than a 20% chance of a hike discounted in Q4 and begins showing a bias toward a cut in Q2 24. It is fully discounted in early Q3 24. The most important data point before the end of the month is the preliminary September CPI. It and October report will likely make the case by the hawk even less tenable. In September 2022, the eurozone's CPI rose by 1.2% (and 1.5% October). These drop out of the 12-month comparisons, and this is going to produce a sharp deceleration in the year-over-year rate. August's 5.3% pace could fall below 4%, and possibly a little above 3.5% before firming in November and December.

The euro has found a (temporary?) foothold above $1.0610, which corresponds to the (38.2%) retracement of the rally from the September 2022 low near $0.9535. A break could spur a return the March low around $1.0500 and the year's low set in January, a little lower (~$1.0485). The euro has fallen for 10 consecutive weeks since the mid-July peak of about $1.1275. The single currency has not traded above the 20-day moving average this month. It is found now slightly below $1.0740. 

Japan: Even though Japan reports on the labor market, retail sales, and industrial output, it may be difficult to convince the market that the world's third-largest economy is not contracting in Q3. Japan's retail sales are not a good gauge of consumption. Consider that in July household spending fell 5.0% year-over-year (-4.2% in June), while retail sales rose 6.8% (5.6% in June). Retail sales are reported in nominal terms (value not volume) and focus on retail goods. The broader measure of household spending includes services and is in real terms (adjusted for inflation). The Bank of Japan left policy on hold last week and Governor Ueda seemed to dampen hope that he had inspired about an exit from negative interest rates before the end of the year. 

The key data point next week is Tokyo's September CPI. Like the CPI gives valuable insight into the US PCE deflator, Tokyo's CPI is a good gauge of the national measure that is reported a few weeks later. While the headline and core rates have peaked, the risk is still on the upside with the measure that exclude fresh food and energy. In the three months through August, the headline rate has risen at 2.4% annualized rate and the core by 2.8%. However, excluding fresh food and energy rose at 4% annualized pace. In August, Tokyo reported that fresh food prices had risen by 4% year-over-year and food prices in general were up 8.2%. Next week, Prime Minister Kishida is expected to begin providing details of the priorities of the supplemental budget that will likely be formally announced next week. Lastly, early on October 1, the Q3 Tankan Survey will be released. A small improvement in sentiment among the large companies is expected while response from small businesses is likely to remain poor (in slightly negative territory). 

Japanese officials have been threating intervention for several weeks in the face of the 1) the broad dollar rally and 2) rising US interest rates. The falling yen is not as supportive for Japanese equities, and in the week ending September 15, foreign investors sold the most Japanese shares in four years. The rolling 30-day correlation has turned negative, which, while not precedented, of course, is not the usual relationship. The market is cautious, but it is pushing ahead. The weekly close above JPY148 was the highest since last October. The greenback has risen for three consecutive weeks against the yen and seven of the past eight weeks. It closed firmly near JPY148.40. The secondary high after last year's peak was near JPY148.85, and after that, there is little in front of the psychologically important JPY150. 

UK: It is a relatively light week for high-frequency market moving data from the UK. Nationwide's house price index and lending (and mortgage figures), money supply, and consumer credit typically have negligible impact. Revisions to Q2 GDP (0.2% quarter-over-quarter) have been superseded by the recent news that the economy contracted by 0.5% in July. It is, though, the one-year anniversary of the crisis that led to the end of Truss's short tenure as prime minister and sterling's record-low (~$1.0350, September 26). Since then, sterling is the strongest of the G10 currencies, net-net appreciating almost 16% (the euro is in second with about an 11.3% gain). Recall Truss was pushing for tax cuts and increased defense spending that would have left a GBP60 bln deficit by the middle of the decade, according to the Financial Times estimates. Interest rates surged on the prospect the large unfunded deficits. Capital went on strike. Truss was toppled by her own party and fiscal orthodoxy was supposed to return. Yet, the budget deficit for the fiscal year that ended in March was about GBP120.7 bln, up from GBP112.1 bln in the previous fiscal year. The deficit in first four months of the current fiscal year is around GBP53.3 bln compared with almost GBP39.7 bln in the April-July period last year. 

Sterling held below the 200-day moving average ($1.2435) last Monday and Tuesday, before the week's big events. It was offered after the FOMC meeting and fell to almost $1.2430. It was tagged for the better part of a cent on the BOE's decision to hold rates and saw a low $1.2240. It made a marginal new low, slightly above $1.2230 ahead of the weekend and sterling closed near its lows. While there may be support around $1.2200, the larger head and shoulders pattern, which we have been tracking, has an objective near $1.20, and the (38.2%) retracement is around $1.2075.

Canada: The market extended the Canadian dollar's decline after it was unannounced that unexpectedly Canada's GDP contracted in Q2 (-0.2%) on September 1. However, the data since then suggests it was a bit of a fluke that overstated the weakness of the Canadian economy. The August employment report was stronger than expected and aggregate hours worked increased. The IVEY PMI snapped a four-month decline in August to match its best level since April (53.5). The July trade deficit was smaller than expected (CAD990 mln). July retail sales rose by 0.3% after a rising by 0.1% in both May and June. Excluding autos, retail sales rose 1.0%, twice the median forecast in Bloomberg' survey. August CPI surprised on the upside, rising by 0.4% on the month (also, twice the median forecast in Bloomberg's survey) and the year-over-year rate rose to 4.0% from 3.3% in July. The underlying core measures and their three-month moving average, which Bank of Canada Governor Macklem referenced, rose as well. The highlight in the coming week is the July monthly GDP. After contracting by 0.2% in June, the Canadian economy likely grew again in July. The takeaway is that swaps market has moved to discount a little more than an 70% chance of a hike in Q4, with a little less than a 50% chance it is delivered next month.

This adjustment in rate expectations dovetails with the recent recovery in the Canadian dollar. The Canadian dollar rose for the third week in the past four, following a six-week slump. So far, this month, the Canadian dollar's nearly 0.20% gain leads the G10 currencies. After peaking near CAD1.3700 on September 7, the US dollar was sold to almost CAD1.3380 the day before the FOMC meeting concluded. It subsequently bounced to CAD1.3525, a little shy of the (50%) retracement of the leg down, before returning to CAD1.3425 after Canada's retail sales report ahead of the weekend. Still, the greenback recovered to make new session highs near CAD1.3500. The close, though was little changed near CAD1.3480. There appears to be scope into the CAD1.3550-75 area.  

Australia:  Australia reports the August monthly CPI and retail sales ahead of the central bank meeting on October 3. It will be the first policy meeting under the new Governor Michele Bullock. The monthly CPI peaked at the end of last year at 8.4% and it stood at 4.9% in July. The downtrend is expected to have continued in August. July retail sales were boosted by the FIFA Women's World Cup and likely fell in August. Elsewhere, we note that the labor dispute at Chevron's liquified natural gas plants has been resolved. Rising mortgage rates are being felt as three-year fixed rates are beginning to float with a large switch seen this month. The market sees practically no chance of a hike at Bullock's first meeting but is not convinced that the RBA is finished and sees a window of opportunity for the last hike in the cycle to be delivered in Q1 24. The Australian dollar has forged a range between around $0.6360 and $0.6525. The range was nearly covered Wednesday-Thursday last week (~$0.6385-$0.6510). Expect the range to hold, until it doesn't. Unlike in the euro and sterling, the next speculative position in the futures market, is net short the Aussie., which changes the potential dynamics. 

Mexico: Mexico reports the August trade and employment figures next week ahead of the central bank meeting on September 28. Many argue that the peso's rally to its best levels since 2015 is producing an overvalued currency. Yet, the richness of the peso is not fueling a deterioration of the external balance. Through July, Mexico has reported a trade deficit of $7.22 bln. In the first seven months of 2022, the trade deficit was slightly more than $19 bln. Moreover, leaving aside portfolio and direct investment inflows, worker remittances alone are sufficient to cover the trade deficit. In the January through July period, worker remittances into Mexico are nearly $36 bln, almost a 10% increase from the same period a year ago. Mexico's unemployment rate appears to have put in a cyclical low near 2.4% in March. In July it was slightly above 3.1%. Last year, it averaged almost 3.3%. Banxico has indicated it is on hold for a protracted period. Brazil and Chile have cut rates twice as they begin their easing cycle. The first cut by Banxico has been pushed from Q4 23 to Q1 24, according to the swaps market. 

The US dollar traded briefly below MXN17.0 before the FOMC meeting concluded and rallied to MXN17.25 the following day. Sellers pounced on the greenback sending it back to MXN17.10. However, the risk-off mood that prevailed before the weekend helped lift the dollar, which settled near MXN17.2200. Early last week the five-day moving average crossed back below the 20-day moving average. The macro forces that have driven the peso almost 14% higher this year against the dollar appear to remain intact. Also, as Brazil, Chile, and other countries in the region cut interest rates, Mexico's yields become relatively more attractive. Consider, for example, at the start of the year, Chile's overnight rate was 75 bp more than Mexico and now it is 175 bp below.  Still, a move above MXN17.27 could see MXN17.35-45.  


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President Biden Delivers The “Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President”

President Biden Delivers The "Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President"

Having successfully raged, ranted, lied, and yelled through…

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President Biden Delivers The "Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President"

Having successfully raged, ranted, lied, and yelled through the State of The Union, President Biden can go back to his crypt now.

Whatever 'they' gave Biden, every American man, woman, and the other should be allowed to take it - though it seems the cocktail brings out 'dark Brandon'?

Tl;dw: Biden's Speech tonight ...

  • Fund Ukraine.

  • Trump is threat to democracy and America itself.

  • Abortion is good.

  • American Economy is stronger than ever.

  • Inflation wasn't Biden's fault.

  • Illegals are Americans too.

  • Republicans are responsible for the border crisis.

  • Trump is bad.

  • Biden stands with trans-children.

  • J6 was the worst insurrection since the Civil War.

(h/t @TCDMS99)

Tucker Carlson's response sums it all up perfectly:

"that was possibly the darkest, most un-American speech given by an American president. It wasn't a speech, it was a rant..."

Carlson continued: "The true measure of a nation's greatness lies within its capacity to control borders, yet Bid refuses to do it."

"In a fair election, Joe Biden cannot win"

And concluded:

“There was not a meaningful word for the entire duration about the things that actually matter to people who live here.”

Victor Davis Hanson added some excellent color, but this was probably the best line on Biden:

"he doesn't care... he lives in an alternative reality."

*  *  *

Watch SOTU Live here...

*   *   *

Mises' Connor O'Keeffe, warns: "Be on the Lookout for These Lies in Biden's State of the Union Address." 

On Thursday evening, President Joe Biden is set to give his third State of the Union address. The political press has been buzzing with speculation over what the president will say. That speculation, however, is focused more on how Biden will perform, and which issues he will prioritize. Much of the speech is expected to be familiar.

The story Biden will tell about what he has done as president and where the country finds itself as a result will be the same dishonest story he's been telling since at least the summer.

He'll cite government statistics to say the economy is growing, unemployment is low, and inflation is down.

Something that has been frustrating Biden, his team, and his allies in the media is that the American people do not feel as economically well off as the official data says they are. Despite what the White House and establishment-friendly journalists say, the problem lies with the data, not the American people's ability to perceive their own well-being.

As I wrote back in January, the reason for the discrepancy is the lack of distinction made between private economic activity and government spending in the most frequently cited economic indicators. There is an important difference between the two:

  • Government, unlike any other entity in the economy, can simply take money and resources from others to spend on things and hire people. Whether or not the spending brings people value is irrelevant

  • It's the private sector that's responsible for producing goods and services that actually meet people's needs and wants. So, the private components of the economy have the most significant effect on people's economic well-being.

Recently, government spending and hiring has accounted for a larger than normal share of both economic activity and employment. This means the government is propping up these traditional measures, making the economy appear better than it actually is. Also, many of the jobs Biden and his allies take credit for creating will quickly go away once it becomes clear that consumers don't actually want whatever the government encouraged these companies to produce.

On top of all that, the administration is dealing with the consequences of their chosen inflation rhetoric.

Since its peak in the summer of 2022, the president's team has talked about inflation "coming back down," which can easily give the impression that it's prices that will eventually come back down.

But that's not what that phrase means. It would be more honest to say that price increases are slowing down.

Americans are finally waking up to the fact that the cost of living will not return to prepandemic levels, and they're not happy about it.

The president has made some clumsy attempts at damage control, such as a Super Bowl Sunday video attacking food companies for "shrinkflation"—selling smaller portions at the same price instead of simply raising prices.

In his speech Thursday, Biden is expected to play up his desire to crack down on the "corporate greed" he's blaming for high prices.

In the name of "bringing down costs for Americans," the administration wants to implement targeted price ceilings - something anyone who has taken even a single economics class could tell you does more harm than good. Biden would never place the blame for the dramatic price increases we've experienced during his term where it actually belongs—on all the government spending that he and President Donald Trump oversaw during the pandemic, funded by the creation of $6 trillion out of thin air - because that kind of spending is precisely what he hopes to kick back up in a second term.

If reelected, the president wants to "revive" parts of his so-called Build Back Better agenda, which he tried and failed to pass in his first year. That would bring a significant expansion of domestic spending. And Biden remains committed to the idea that Americans must be forced to continue funding the war in Ukraine. That's another topic Biden is expected to highlight in the State of the Union, likely accompanied by the lie that Ukraine spending is good for the American economy. It isn't.

It's not possible to predict all the ways President Biden will exaggerate, mislead, and outright lie in his speech on Thursday. But we can be sure of two things. The "state of the Union" is not as strong as Biden will say it is. And his policy ambitions risk making it much worse.

*  *  *

The American people will be tuning in on their smartphones, laptops, and televisions on Thursday evening to see if 'sloppy joe' 81-year-old President Joe Biden can coherently put together more than two sentences (even with a teleprompter) as he gives his third State of the Union in front of a divided Congress. 

President Biden will speak on various topics to convince voters why he shouldn't be sent to a retirement home.

According to CNN sources, here are some of the topics Biden will discuss tonight:

  • Economic issues: Biden and his team have been drafting a speech heavy on economic populism, aides said, with calls for higher taxes on corporations and the wealthy – an attempt to draw a sharp contrast with Republicans and their likely presidential nominee, Donald Trump.

  • Health care expenses: Biden will also push for lowering health care costs and discuss his efforts to go after drug manufacturers to lower the cost of prescription medications — all issues his advisers believe can help buoy what have been sagging economic approval ratings.

  • Israel's war with Hamas: Also looming large over Biden's primetime address is the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, which has consumed much of the president's time and attention over the past few months. The president's top national security advisers have been working around the clock to try to finalize a ceasefire-hostages release deal by Ramadan, the Muslim holy month that begins next week.

  • An argument for reelection: Aides view Thursday's speech as a critical opportunity for the president to tout his accomplishments in office and lay out his plans for another four years in the nation's top job. Even though viewership has declined over the years, the yearly speech reliably draws tens of millions of households.

Sources provided more color on Biden's SOTU address: 

The speech is expected to be heavy on economic populism. The president will talk about raising taxes on corporations and the wealthy. He'll highlight efforts to cut costs for the American people, including pushing Congress to help make prescription drugs more affordable.

Biden will talk about the need to preserve democracy and freedom, a cornerstone of his re-election bid. That includes protecting and bolstering reproductive rights, an issue Democrats believe will energize voters in November. Biden is also expected to promote his unity agenda, a key feature of each of his addresses to Congress while in office.

Biden is also expected to give remarks on border security while the invasion of illegals has become one of the most heated topics among American voters. A majority of voters are frustrated with radical progressives in the White House facilitating the illegal migrant invasion. 

It is probable that the president will attribute the failure of the Senate border bill to the Republicans, a claim many voters view as unfounded. This is because the White House has the option to issue an executive order to restore border security, yet opts not to do so

Maybe this is why? 

While Biden addresses the nation, the Biden administration will be armed with a social media team to pump propaganda to at least 100 million Americans. 

"The White House hosted about 70 creators, digital publishers, and influencers across three separate events" on Wednesday and Thursday, a White House official told CNN. 

Not a very capable social media team... 

The administration's move to ramp up social media operations comes as users on X are mostly free from government censorship with Elon Musk at the helm. This infuriates Democrats, who can no longer censor their political enemies on X. 

Meanwhile, Democratic lawmakers tell Axios that the president's SOTU performance will be critical as he tries to dispel voter concerns about his elderly age. The address reached as many as 27 million people in 2023. 

"We are all nervous," said one House Democrat, citing concerns about the president's "ability to speak without blowing things."

The SOTU address comes as Biden's polling data is in the dumps

BetOnline has created several money-making opportunities for gamblers tonight, such as betting on what word Biden mentions the most. 

As well as...

We will update you when Tucker Carlson's live feed of SOTU is published. 

Tyler Durden Fri, 03/08/2024 - 07:44

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What is intersectionality and why does it make feminism more effective?

The social categories that we belong to shape our understanding of the world in different ways.

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Mary Long/Shutterstock

The way we talk about society and the people and structures in it is constantly changing. One term you may come across this International Women’s Day is “intersectionality”. And specifically, the concept of “intersectional feminism”.

Intersectionality refers to the fact that everyone is part of multiple social categories. These include gender, social class, sexuality, (dis)ability and racialisation (when people are divided into “racial” groups often based on skin colour or features).

These categories are not independent of each other, they intersect. This looks different for every person. For example, a black woman without a disability will have a different experience of society than a white woman without a disability – or a black woman with a disability.

An intersectional approach makes social policy more inclusive and just. Its value was evident in research during the pandemic, when it became clear that women from various groups, those who worked in caring jobs and who lived in crowded circumstances were much more likely to die from COVID.

A long-fought battle

American civil rights leader and scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw first introduced the term intersectionality in a 1989 paper. She argued that focusing on a single form of oppression (such as gender or race) perpetuated discrimination against black women, who are simultaneously subjected to both racism and sexism.

Crenshaw gave a name to ways of thinking and theorising that black and Latina feminists, as well as working-class and lesbian feminists, had argued for decades. The Combahee River Collective of black lesbians was groundbreaking in this work.

They called for strategic alliances with black men to oppose racism, white women to oppose sexism and lesbians to oppose homophobia. This was an example of how an intersectional understanding of identity and social power relations can create more opportunities for action.

These ideas have, through political struggle, come to be accepted in feminist thinking and women’s studies scholarship. An increasing number of feminists now use the term “intersectional feminism”.

The term has moved from academia to feminist activist and social justice circles and beyond in recent years. Its popularity and widespread use means it is subjected to much scrutiny and debate about how and when it should be employed. For example, some argue that it should always include attention to racism and racialisation.

Recognising more issues makes feminism more effective

In writing about intersectionality, Crenshaw argued that singular approaches to social categories made black women’s oppression invisible. Many black feminists have pointed out that white feminists frequently overlook how racial categories shape different women’s experiences.

One example is hair discrimination. It is only in the 2020s that many organisations in South Africa, the UK and US have recognised that it is discriminatory to regulate black women’s hairstyles in ways that render their natural hair unacceptable.

This is an intersectional approach. White women and most black men do not face the same discrimination and pressures to straighten their hair.

View from behind of a young, black woman speaking to female colleagues in an office
Intersectionality can lead to more inclusive organisations, activism and social movements. Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

“Abortion on demand” in the 1970s and 1980s in the UK and USA took no account of the fact that black women in these and many other countries needed to campaign against being given abortions against their will. The fight for reproductive justice does not look the same for all women.

Similarly, the experiences of working-class women have frequently been rendered invisible in white, middle class feminist campaigns and writings. Intersectionality means that these issues are recognised and fought for in an inclusive and more powerful way.

In the 35 years since Crenshaw coined the term, feminist scholars have analysed how women are positioned in society, for example, as black, working-class, lesbian or colonial subjects. Intersectionality reminds us that fruitful discussions about discrimination and justice must acknowledge how these different categories affect each other and their associated power relations.

This does not mean that research and policy cannot focus predominantly on one social category, such as race, gender or social class. But it does mean that we cannot, and should not, understand those categories in isolation of each other.

Ann Phoenix does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Biden defends immigration policy during State of the Union, blaming Republicans in Congress for refusing to act

A rising number of Americans say that immigration is the country’s biggest problem. Biden called for Congress to pass a bipartisan border and immigration…

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President Joe Biden delivers his State of the Union address on March 7, 2024. Alex Brandon-Pool/Getty Images

President Joe Biden delivered the annual State of the Union address on March 7, 2024, casting a wide net on a range of major themes – the economy, abortion rights, threats to democracy, the wars in Gaza and Ukraine – that are preoccupying many Americans heading into the November presidential election.

The president also addressed massive increases in immigration at the southern border and the political battle in Congress over how to manage it. “We can fight about the border, or we can fix it. I’m ready to fix it,” Biden said.

But while Biden stressed that he wants to overcome political division and take action on immigration and the border, he cautioned that he will not “demonize immigrants,” as he said his predecessor, former President Donald Trump, does.

“I will not separate families. I will not ban people from America because of their faith,” Biden said.

Biden’s speech comes as a rising number of American voters say that immigration is the country’s biggest problem.

Immigration law scholar Jean Lantz Reisz answers four questions about why immigration has become a top issue for Americans, and the limits of presidential power when it comes to immigration and border security.

President Joe Biden stands surrounded by people in formal clothing and smiles. One man holds a cell phone camera close up to his face.
President Joe Biden arrives to deliver the State of the Union address at the US Capitol on March 7, 2024. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

1. What is driving all of the attention and concern immigration is receiving?

The unprecedented number of undocumented migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border right now has drawn national concern to the U.S. immigration system and the president’s enforcement policies at the border.

Border security has always been part of the immigration debate about how to stop unlawful immigration.

But in this election, the immigration debate is also fueled by images of large groups of migrants crossing a river and crawling through barbed wire fences. There is also news of standoffs between Texas law enforcement and U.S. Border Patrol agents and cities like New York and Chicago struggling to handle the influx of arriving migrants.

Republicans blame Biden for not taking action on what they say is an “invasion” at the U.S. border. Democrats blame Republicans for refusing to pass laws that would give the president the power to stop the flow of migration at the border.

2. Are Biden’s immigration policies effective?

Confusion about immigration laws may be the reason people believe that Biden is not implementing effective policies at the border.

The U.S. passed a law in 1952 that gives any person arriving at the border or inside the U.S. the right to apply for asylum and the right to legally stay in the country, even if that person crossed the border illegally. That law has not changed.

Courts struck down many of former President Donald Trump’s policies that tried to limit immigration. Trump was able to lawfully deport migrants at the border without processing their asylum claims during the COVID-19 pandemic under a public health law called Title 42. Biden continued that policy until the legal justification for Title 42 – meaning the public health emergency – ended in 2023.

Republicans falsely attribute the surge in undocumented migration to the U.S. over the past three years to something they call Biden’s “open border” policy. There is no such policy.

Multiple factors are driving increased migration to the U.S.

More people are leaving dangerous or difficult situations in their countries, and some people have waited to migrate until after the COVID-19 pandemic ended. People who smuggle migrants are also spreading misinformation to migrants about the ability to enter and stay in the U.S.

Joe Biden wears a black blazer and a black hat as he stands next to a bald white man wearing a green uniform and a white truck that says 'Border Patrol' in green
President Joe Biden walks with Jason Owens, the chief of the U.S. Border Patrol, as he visits the U.S.-Mexico border in Brownsville, Texas, on Feb. 29, 2024. Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

3. How much power does the president have over immigration?

The president’s power regarding immigration is limited to enforcing existing immigration laws. But the president has broad authority over how to enforce those laws.

For example, the president can place every single immigrant unlawfully present in the U.S. in deportation proceedings. Because there is not enough money or employees at federal agencies and courts to accomplish that, the president will usually choose to prioritize the deportation of certain immigrants, like those who have committed serious and violent crimes in the U.S.

The federal agency Immigration and Customs Enforcement deported more than 142,000 immigrants from October 2022 through September 2023, double the number of people it deported the previous fiscal year.

But under current law, the president does not have the power to summarily expel migrants who say they are afraid of returning to their country. The law requires the president to process their claims for asylum.

Biden’s ability to enforce immigration law also depends on a budget approved by Congress. Without congressional approval, the president cannot spend money to build a wall, increase immigration detention facilities’ capacity or send more Border Patrol agents to process undocumented migrants entering the country.

A large group of people are seen sitting and standing along a tall brown fence in an empty area of brown dirt.
Migrants arrive at the border between El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, to surrender to American Border Patrol agents on March 5, 2024. Lokman Vural Elibol/Anadolu via Getty Images

4. How could Biden address the current immigration problems in this country?

In early 2024, Republicans in the Senate refused to pass a bill – developed by a bipartisan team of legislators – that would have made it harder to get asylum and given Biden the power to stop taking asylum applications when migrant crossings reached a certain number.

During his speech, Biden called this bill the “toughest set of border security reforms we’ve ever seen in this country.”

That bill would have also provided more federal money to help immigration agencies and courts quickly review more asylum claims and expedite the asylum process, which remains backlogged with millions of cases, Biden said. Biden said the bipartisan deal would also hire 1,500 more border security agents and officers, as well as 4,300 more asylum officers.

Removing this backlog in immigration courts could mean that some undocumented migrants, who now might wait six to eight years for an asylum hearing, would instead only wait six weeks, Biden said. That means it would be “highly unlikely” migrants would pay a large amount to be smuggled into the country, only to be “kicked out quickly,” Biden said.

“My Republican friends, you owe it to the American people to get this bill done. We need to act,” Biden said.

Biden’s remarks calling for Congress to pass the bill drew jeers from some in the audience. Biden quickly responded, saying that it was a bipartisan effort: “What are you against?” he asked.

Biden is now considering using section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to get more control over immigration. This sweeping law allows the president to temporarily suspend or restrict the entry of all foreigners if their arrival is detrimental to the U.S.

This obscure law gained attention when Trump used it in January 2017 to implement a travel ban on foreigners from mainly Muslim countries. The Supreme Court upheld the travel ban in 2018.

Trump again also signed an executive order in April 2020 that blocked foreigners who were seeking lawful permanent residency from entering the country for 60 days, citing this same section of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

Biden did not mention any possible use of section 212(f) during his State of the Union speech. If the president uses this, it would likely be challenged in court. It is not clear that 212(f) would apply to people already in the U.S., and it conflicts with existing asylum law that gives people within the U.S. the right to seek asylum.

Jean Lantz Reisz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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