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January 2023

The US dollar’s bull market appears to have come to a climactic end late in Q3 22 and early Q4. In the last three months of 2022, the G10 currencies, except…

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The US dollar's bull market appears to have come to a climactic end late in Q3 22 and early Q4. In the last three months of 2022, the G10 currencies, except the Canadian dollar, rose by more than 5% against the greenback. In addition, six of the G10 currencies appreciated more than 7.5%. Such significant moves are often followed by consolidation and corrections. These countertrend moves can offer new opportunities to adjust currency exposures.

Three main considerations mark the turn of the dollar from valuation levels that were stretched to historic proportions according to the OECD's measure of purchasing power parity. Without getting too granular, the basic premise is that a basket of internationally traded goods should sell for the same price when the currency adjustment is made. To the extent that they do not, it reflects a currency misalignment. Typically, OECD currencies do not deviate much more than 20% plus/minus fair value. However, in Q3 22, the euro and yen were more than 45% undervalued, and sterling was more than 25% below fair value.

First, sterling's snapback was the most dramatic. The return of fiscal orthodoxy was marked by the resignation of UK Prime Minister Truss. As a result, the capital strike against Truss's unfunded fiscal stimulus was called off. Instead, it spurred a dramatic short-covering rally that lifted sterling by more than 10% in less than two weeks following her resignation.

Second, the market's confidence grew that the peak in US inflation was behind it and that the terminal rate of Fed funds would be around 5%. The Federal Reserve's Summary of Economic Projections issued in mid-December confirmed these expectations, with a median estimate of 5.1%. The dollar's rally in 2022 seemed disproportionately fueled by the adjustment to an increasingly higher terminal rate. Moreover, despite pushback from several Federal Reserve officials, the pricing in the derivatives market showed an unambiguous expectation for the first rate cut to be delivered in Q4 23.

Third, the European Central Bank turned increasingly hawkish after a delayed start. Its tightening cycle is expected to extend beyond the Federal Reserve's and into the middle of 2023. This is partly reflected in the US-German two-year rate differential. We anticipated that the US two-year premium would peak before the dollar. The US premium peaked in early August at around 277 bp, a three-year high. It trended low and fell below 175 bp in mid-December. The exchange rate often seems more sensitive to the direction and change than the absolute level.

In our work, we do not find it coincidental that the US 10-year Treasury peaked (~4.33%) on the same day as the dollar peaked against the yen (JPY151.95) on October 21. By the time the BOJ met late last month, the 10-year yield was consolidating after falling to around 3.40%, and the dollar was in a couple-week range between around JPY134-JPY138. Then, unexpectedly on December 20, the BOJ announced it was widening the range of the 10-year yield under yield-curve-control to +/- 50 bp of zero. The yield quickly jumped and approached the new cap. Market participants and the media tended to put more emphasis on the increased cap than the boost in government bond purchases announced at the same time. 

The yen soared by more than 4% on the day of the announcement. Not only was nearly everyone caught wrong-footed, but it immediately was seen as raising the odds of more adjustments next year when the BOJ will have new leadership. Several possible adjustments next year include lifting the target rate to zero from -0.10% and/or raising the midpoint of the 10-year bond range to 0.25% from zero. 

Bank of Japan Governor Kuroda's term end in April, and the two deputy governors' terms end in March. New appointments are typically announced in February. The most likely candidate to replace Kuroda is one of his proteges. Current deputy governor Masayoshi Amamiya has a slight advantage over former deputy governor Nakaso Hiroshi. The BOJ's current charge is to achieve the 2% inflation target at the "earliest date possible," which could be modified to clarify that it is a medium-to-long-term goal.

Looking into 2023, most of the G10 central banks may complete their rate hike cycles around the middle of the year. The unwinding of central bank balance sheets may continue longer, but the amount of reserves that the banking systems need is not immediately apparent. We suspect the floor will only be found when stresses become evident. 

China made a dramatic pivot from the zero-Covid policy, and the surging infection and fatalities risk disruptions to growth and, potentially, supply chains. The government is expected to pursue more pro-growth policies after 2022, which ended on a particularly weak note. Tensions with the US may flair up if the new leadership of the US House of Representatives insists on visiting Taiwan. We are somewhat skeptical of the ability to deny China semiconductor technology, even with Japan and the Netherlands joining. For example, the ability to restrict nuclear technology proved limited, as North Korea and Iran demonstrate.  

China will likely be able to develop seven-nanometer chips from 14-nanometer technology, and Beijing will boost aid to the sector. Consider that the US CHIPS legislation included $1.8 bln to help support the semiconductor industry, while reports suggest Beijing is preparing a CNY1 trillion (~$144 bln) package for its domestic chip industry. Moreover, China's advances in artificial intelligence rest on its accumulation of data, and it continues to show leadership in that space. 

Russia's invasion of Ukraine has impacted geopolitics and economies in ways that were arguably unimaginable to Moscow, Washington, Brussels, Beijing, or Tokyo. Russia's ability to project its military power has been compromised. Ukraine's ability to strike inside Russia appears likely to continue even as it bears a high human cost. Ironically, it is part of the Republican leadership in the US that is questioning the unending support for Kyiv. NATO is larger and will have a greater presence in Europe. As European countries, especially Germany, boost defense spending, they will turn to the US. The US will also replace some of the gas Europe previously got from Russia. 

Moscow's invasion of Ukraine will strengthen forces in Europe that did not or no longer believe that trade foments liberalization in totalitarian regimes, including China. Moreover, the war in Ukraine and China's wolf diplomacy in the Asia Pacific area gave fresh impetus to increased military spending by Tokyo, which has been a longstanding objective of LDP prime ministers for nearly a generation. Japan now aims to double its military spending (to 2% of GDP) and acquire counter-strike capabilities.

Many see stagflation as the most likely scenario amid elevated price pressures and weak growth impulses. However, we wonder if this is not like confusing a snapshot with a video. Although it may not be popular to say, the more likely medium-term outlook is a return to the Great Moderation of slow growth and low-price pressures that characterized the G10 economies before the various systemic shocks. As is often the case, the media and investors elevate cyclical events to structural status, which itself is part of the cyclical phenomenon. If we are right, inflation will trend lower in the coming quarters, barring a new shock. The pace may even accelerate from the middle of the year.  

The flatter and longer business cycles associated with the Great Moderation were overdetermined in the sense that they had many causes. The increased importance of the less cyclical service sector, the less labor coverage of contractual cost-of-living adjustments, better management of inventories, and globalization, among other factors, help explain the Great Moderation. The popular press makes it appear that globalization is the weak link, but since at least the aftermath of 9/11, we have been told globalization was ending. It hasn't. Near-shoring and friend-shoring may shift some supply chains, and protectionism may encourage foreign direct investment instead of exports. Yet, because of automation and other technological advances, production and price efficiencies may still improve. 

One of the implications is that today's labor market tightness in the G10 countries may prove a distraction from what could prove to be a dearth of jobs in the future. This is not about automation replacing a repetitive task in the factory. On the contrary, technological advances are impacting agriculture, the office, and core service jobs. More immediately, the focus on the tightness distracts in another sense. The fact that wages are not keeping pace with inflation means the return to labor is falling in real terms. The resulting cost-of-living squeeze underscores the risk of synchronized economic weakness in North America and Europe. 

Bannockburn's World Currency Index, a GDP-weighted basket of the currencies from the top 12 economies, edged higher in December (~0.8%). It was the first back-to-back monthly gain since the end of 2020. The BWCI recorded its low in early November, marginally slipping through the low recorded in late September. The December gain reflected the appreciation of the yuan (~1.6%), euro (~2.0%), and yen (~2.7%). The Russian rouble was the worst performer in the index, losing almost 16%. The Korean won was the best-performing emerging market currency in the BWCI. It rose by 4%. The Canadian dollar was the weakest of the G10 currencies, depreciating by about 1.4%.  

From its lows, the Bannockburn World Currency Index appreciated by 3.70%. It is the biggest advance since the peak in June 2021. BWCI seems to confirm our sense that a significant extreme in exchange rates is behind us. In line with our expectations for the US dollar to unwind more of its post-Covid gains, we look for the index to advance around 5% in 2023, which would be its best year since 2017.   


Dollar:  If there is a consensus about the US outlook, it is the opposite of 2022, when the economy contracted in H1 and expanded in H2. The resilience of the labor market and the American consumer are expected to carry into the first part of 2023, with the risks of recession increasing later in the year. In the four FOMC meetings in H1 23, the market looks for two quarter-point hikes, with the Fed funds target reaching a terminal rate of 5.0%. If there is a risk, it is that the terminal rate is 5.25% rather than 4.75%. The media and some pundits may have made too much of the divergence of opinion at the FOMC. In the rotation of votes, two hawks (Bullard and George) are replaced with one hawk (Kashkari) and more centrists. Yet Chair Powell has managed the process up until now with few dissents. The more critical tension is between the Fed and the markets. Despite the pushback from officials, the market continues to price in a quarter-point cut toward the end of 2023. In January, we anticipate weak private sector job growth in December (January 6) and soft CPI (January 12), with the headline rate falling below 7% for the first time since November 2021. The core rate may slip below 5.9%, the 2022 low through November. Broadly speaking, we think the dollar's cyclical rally has ended and that it will weaken over the course of 2023.   

 

 

Euro:  The prospect of a more aggressive European Central Bank helped lift the euro to new six-month highs near $1.0750 in mid-December before a consolidative phase emerged. A break of the $1.0550 area would signal a deeper correction that could see $1.02. That said, as the divergence of monetary policy begins working in Europe's favor, we anticipate the euro to rise to $1.10-$1.13 in 2023. ECB President Lagarde clearly signaled a pre-commitment to lift key rates another 50 bp at the next meeting (February 2), and the hawkish rhetoric has encouraged the market to price in another half-point move at the mid-March meeting as well. The deposit rate stands at 2.0%, and the terminal rate is seen at 3.50%-3.75%. The maturing long-term loans the ECB granted and the early pre-payment have reduced the central bank's balance sheet by nearly 800 bln euros in November-December. Starting in March, it will not fully re-invest the maturing bonds in its portfolio, initiating a formal quantitative tightening process. Inflation appears to have peaked at 10.7% in October, and the ECB's staff projects it to fall to 6.3% by the end of 2023. Subsidies that are dampening inflation now expire and could see price pressures rise again in the spring. An economic contraction may have already begun, but the ECB's forecasts suggest it may still be short and shallow. 
 

(December 28 indicative closing prices, previous in parentheses)
 
Spot: $1.0610 ($1.0405)
Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast $1.0590 ($1.0320)
One-month forward $1.0620 ($1.0445)   One-month implied vol 8.7% (12.3%)    
 

 
Japanese Yen: The Bank of Japan caught investors and businesses off-guard last month by doubling the band for the 10-year yield to +/- 0.50%. The yield almost immediately rose to its new cap, and the yen strengthened sharply. Most observers seemed to see the move as a step toward exiting, and the swaps market is pricing in a positive overnight rate (from the current -0.10%) by the end of Q1 23. We are less sanguine. Alongside the 10-year yield cap adjustment, the central bank also announced it would increase its bond purchases (QE) to JPY9 trillion (~$68 bln) a month from JPY7.3 trillion. In addition, the government supplemental budget includes subsidies and other measures that will dampen price pressures. The yen has appreciated 10-11% on a trade-weighted basis, which will also help curb imported inflation. The spring wage round is important, but if the Bank of Japan's 0.2% staff pay increase is anything to go on, wage pressure will remain modest. The BOJ forecasts core CPI, which stood at 3.7% in November, to fall to 1.6% by the end of 2023. Last month, we warned that a break of JPY137.25 could spur a drop to JPY130-JPY133. The greenback tested the lower end of the range with the BOJ's surprise. We now see it has potential to recover back into the JPY136-JPY138 area.  
 

Spot: JPY134.45 (JPY138.05)    
Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast JPY134.70 
(JPY138.95)
One-month forward JPY134.30 
(JPY137.25) One-month implied vol 12.5% (13.7%)
 

 
British Pound: Sterling stopped shy of our $1.25 objective, peaking near $1.2450 in mid-December. A break of the $1.1950 area could signal another cent or so decline, but we see this as corrective in nature and not the end of sterling's recovery. To be sure, the further recovery of sterling we envision, which we project can rise toward $1.28-$1.30 in H1 23, is more about a broadly weaker dollar than positive developments in the UK. With the 0.3% contraction in Q3, the UK's recession, which may last into 2024, has begun. Still, with inflation above 10% (November), the Bank of England's tightening is not over. There probably is scope for another 50 bp hike at the next meeting on February 2 (that would lift the base rate to 4.0%) and after at least a couple of quarter-point hikes for a terminal rate of 4.50% and possibly 4.75%. Given the historic cost-of-living squeeze in the UK, it is difficult to envision the fortunes of the Tory Party improving much in the near-to-medium term.  


Spot: $1.2015 ($1.2060)   
Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast $1.1990 
($1.1890) 
One-month forward $1.2020 
($1.2085) One-month implied vol 10.6% (12.6%)
 

 
Canadian Dollar: Bolstered by a robust economy and an aggressive central bank, the Canadian dollar was the top G10 performer, slipping 1.8% against the strong US in H1 22. However, the process went into reverse in the second half, and the Canadian dollar was the weakest of the major currencies, falling about 5.3% against the dollar. A strong labor market and sticky core inflation measure suggest the Bank of Canada is not quite done with tightening monetary policy. Another quarter-point hike is likely when it meets on January 25, which would take the target rate to 4.50%. Although a pause in March is possible, we suspect another 25 bp hike in Q2 23 will conclude the tightening cycle. This is somewhat more aggressive than the swaps market implies. The US dollar's recovery from the CAD1.3225 low in mid-November was slightly stronger than we expected, probing the CAD1.3700 area. Still, barring a new shock, the mid-October high of almost CAD1.3980 still appears to be the peak. A break now of CAD1.35 would strengthen our conviction. 

 
Spot: CAD1.3610 (CAD 1.3410) 
Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast CAD1.3610 (CAD1.3425)
One-month forward CAD1.3615 (CAD1.3415)   One-month implied vol 7.7% (9.3%) 
 

 
Australian Dollar:   The Australian dollar's rally from a 20-month low in mid-October near $0.6170 peaked in mid-December a little shy of $0.6900 and the 200-day moving average, which has largely capped corrections since May. We suspect a correction has begun that may push the Australian dollar toward $0.6550-$0.6600 in the coming weeks. Official comments, signs of economic softness, and a decline in consumer inflation expectations are encouraging the market to lean toward the expecting the central bank to pause when it meets next on February 7. To be sure, the derivatives market does not expect it to be finished, but after hiking the cash target rate from 0.10% as recently as April to 3.10% in December and slowing to 25 bp increments in the last three moves, a pause may be in order. The policy rate is seen to be at least 60-75 higher by the end of 2023. Softer commodity prices may be offset as the year progresses by China's recovery and at least marginally better (trade) relations.  


Spot: $0.6735 ($0.6790)     
Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast $0.6720 
($0.6720)    
One-month forward $0.6740 ($0.6805)    One-month implied vol 12.5% (14.3%)


 

Mexican Peso:  The dollar's sell-off in late November to about MXN19.04, its lowest level since March 2020, seemed to exhaust the bears. It spent December mostly in the MXN19.50-MXN19.80 range. The central bank of Mexico, which some feared would turn dovish with AMLO appointments, has earned the market's respect. It will likely continue to match the Fed's moving in the coming months, suggesting a terminal rate of around 11.0%, even as inflation eases. Following December's correction and consolidation, we suspect the US dollar can retest the Q4 22 lows in Q1 23. The absence of significant fiscal stimulus during the pandemic will help Mexico avoid some funding challenges of other emerging markets. Moreover, the proximity to the US and the USMCA means it is uniquely positioned to benefit from the near-shoring and friend-shoring developments, with knock-on positive implications for its trade balance.    


Spot: MXN19.4375 (MXN19.27)  

Median Bloomberg One-Month Forecast MXN19.48 (MXN18.47)  
One-month forward MXN19.4580 (MXN19.3750) One-month implied vol 11.0% (11.2%)
  

 
Chinese Yuan: Last month, we anticipated the dollar would fall below CNY7.0, but the driver took us by surprise. After some stutter steps, China backed away from its zero-Covid policy, which spurred a 20% rally in mainland shares that trade in Hong Kong. The dollar also fell against the euro and yen, which, in recent weeks, has been strongly correlated to its performance against the yuan. The greenback spent most of December trading in a narrow range of roughly CNY6.9370-CNY7.000. It is difficult to decipher the intention of the PBOC, but we suspect that the price action in December formed a base from which the dollar can move higher in the coming weeks. We suggest a CNY7.05-CNY7.09 target range. Although the disruption spurred by the surge in Covid cases, leaving aside the human toll, may hobble the economy (with risks to supply chains) in the first part of the new year, we anticipate monetary and fiscal support to help lift the economy.  


Spot: CNY6.9820 (CNY7.0925)
Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast CNY6.99 (CNY7.1210) 
One-month forward CNY7.0150 (CNY7.0150) One-month implied vol 8.9% (8.9%)  

 


  

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Are Voters Recoiling Against Disorder?

Are Voters Recoiling Against Disorder?

Authored by Michael Barone via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The headlines coming out of the Super…

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Are Voters Recoiling Against Disorder?

Authored by Michael Barone via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The headlines coming out of the Super Tuesday primaries have got it right. Barring cataclysmic changes, Donald Trump and Joe Biden will be the Republican and Democratic nominees for president in 2024.

(Left) President Joe Biden delivers remarks on canceling student debt at Culver City Julian Dixon Library in Culver City, Calif., on Feb. 21, 2024. (Right) Republican presidential candidate and former U.S. President Donald Trump stands on stage during a campaign event at Big League Dreams Las Vegas in Las Vegas, Nev., on Jan. 27, 2024. (Mario Tama/Getty Images; David Becker/Getty Images)

With Nikki Haley’s withdrawal, there will be no more significantly contested primaries or caucuses—the earliest both parties’ races have been over since something like the current primary-dominated system was put in place in 1972.

The primary results have spotlighted some of both nominees’ weaknesses.

Donald Trump lost high-income, high-educated constituencies, including the entire metro area—aka the Swamp. Many but by no means all Haley votes there were cast by Biden Democrats. Mr. Trump can’t afford to lose too many of the others in target states like Pennsylvania and Michigan.

Majorities and large minorities of voters in overwhelmingly Latino counties in Texas’s Rio Grande Valley and some in Houston voted against Joe Biden, and even more against Senate nominee Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas).

Returns from Hispanic precincts in New Hampshire and Massachusetts show the same thing. Mr. Biden can’t afford to lose too many Latino votes in target states like Arizona and Georgia.

When Mr. Trump rode down that escalator in 2015, commentators assumed he’d repel Latinos. Instead, Latino voters nationally, and especially the closest eyewitnesses of Biden’s open-border policy, have been trending heavily Republican.

High-income liberal Democrats may sport lawn signs proclaiming, “In this house, we believe ... no human is illegal.” The logical consequence of that belief is an open border. But modest-income folks in border counties know that flows of illegal immigrants result in disorder, disease, and crime.

There is plenty of impatience with increased disorder in election returns below the presidential level. Consider Los Angeles County, America’s largest county, with nearly 10 million people, more people than 40 of the 50 states. It voted 71 percent for Mr. Biden in 2020.

Current returns show county District Attorney George Gascon winning only 21 percent of the vote in the nonpartisan primary. He’ll apparently face Republican Nathan Hochman, a critic of his liberal policies, in November.

Gascon, elected after the May 2020 death of counterfeit-passing suspect George Floyd in Minneapolis, is one of many county prosecutors supported by billionaire George Soros. His policies include not charging juveniles as adults, not seeking higher penalties for gang membership or use of firearms, and bringing fewer misdemeanor cases.

The predictable result has been increased car thefts, burglaries, and personal robberies. Some 120 assistant district attorneys have left the office, and there’s a backlog of 10,000 unprosecuted cases.

More than a dozen other Soros-backed and similarly liberal prosecutors have faced strong opposition or have left office.

St. Louis prosecutor Kim Gardner resigned last May amid lawsuits seeking her removal, Milwaukee’s John Chisholm retired in January, and Baltimore’s Marilyn Mosby was defeated in July 2022 and convicted of perjury in September 2023. Last November, Loudoun County, Virginia, voters (62 percent Biden) ousted liberal Buta Biberaj, who declined to prosecute a transgender student for assault, and in June 2022 voters in San Francisco (85 percent Biden) recalled famed radical Chesa Boudin.

Similarly, this Tuesday, voters in San Francisco passed ballot measures strengthening police powers and requiring treatment of drug-addicted welfare recipients.

In retrospect, it appears the Floyd video, appearing after three months of COVID-19 confinement, sparked a frenzied, even crazed reaction, especially among the highly educated and articulate. One fatal incident was seen as proof that America’s “systemic racism” was worse than ever and that police forces should be defunded and perhaps abolished.

2020 was “the year America went crazy,” I wrote in January 2021, a year in which police funding was actually cut by Democrats in New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle, and Denver. A year in which young New York Times (NYT) staffers claimed they were endangered by the publication of Sen. Tom Cotton’s (R-Ark.) opinion article advocating calling in military forces if necessary to stop rioting, as had been done in Detroit in 1967 and Los Angeles in 1992. A craven NYT publisher even fired the editorial page editor for running the article.

Evidence of visible and tangible discontent with increasing violence and its consequences—barren and locked shelves in Manhattan chain drugstores, skyrocketing carjackings in Washington, D.C.—is as unmistakable in polls and election results as it is in daily life in large metropolitan areas. Maybe 2024 will turn out to be the year even liberal America stopped acting crazy.

Chaos and disorder work against incumbents, as they did in 1968 when Democrats saw their party’s popular vote fall from 61 percent to 43 percent.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times or ZeroHedge.

Tyler Durden Sat, 03/09/2024 - 23:20

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Veterans Affairs Kept COVID-19 Vaccine Mandate In Place Without Evidence

Veterans Affairs Kept COVID-19 Vaccine Mandate In Place Without Evidence

Authored by Zachary Stieber via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The…

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Veterans Affairs Kept COVID-19 Vaccine Mandate In Place Without Evidence

Authored by Zachary Stieber via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) reviewed no data when deciding in 2023 to keep its COVID-19 vaccine mandate in place.

Doses of a COVID-19 vaccine in Washington in a file image. (Jacquelyn Martin/Pool/AFP via Getty Images)

VA Secretary Denis McDonough said on May 1, 2023, that the end of many other federal mandates “will not impact current policies at the Department of Veterans Affairs.”

He said the mandate was remaining for VA health care personnel “to ensure the safety of veterans and our colleagues.”

Mr. McDonough did not cite any studies or other data. A VA spokesperson declined to provide any data that was reviewed when deciding not to rescind the mandate. The Epoch Times submitted a Freedom of Information Act for “all documents outlining which data was relied upon when establishing the mandate when deciding to keep the mandate in place.”

The agency searched for such data and did not find any.

The VA does not even attempt to justify its policies with science, because it can’t,” Leslie Manookian, president and founder of the Health Freedom Defense Fund, told The Epoch Times.

“The VA just trusts that the process and cost of challenging its unfounded policies is so onerous, most people are dissuaded from even trying,” she added.

The VA’s mandate remains in place to this day.

The VA’s website claims that vaccines “help protect you from getting severe illness” and “offer good protection against most COVID-19 variants,” pointing in part to observational data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) that estimate the vaccines provide poor protection against symptomatic infection and transient shielding against hospitalization.

There have also been increasing concerns among outside scientists about confirmed side effects like heart inflammation—the VA hid a safety signal it detected for the inflammation—and possible side effects such as tinnitus, which shift the benefit-risk calculus.

President Joe Biden imposed a slate of COVID-19 vaccine mandates in 2021. The VA was the first federal agency to implement a mandate.

President Biden rescinded the mandates in May 2023, citing a drop in COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations. His administration maintains the choice to require vaccines was the right one and saved lives.

“Our administration’s vaccination requirements helped ensure the safety of workers in critical workforces including those in the healthcare and education sectors, protecting themselves and the populations they serve, and strengthening their ability to provide services without disruptions to operations,” the White House said.

Some experts said requiring vaccination meant many younger people were forced to get a vaccine despite the risks potentially outweighing the benefits, leaving fewer doses for older adults.

By mandating the vaccines to younger people and those with natural immunity from having had COVID, older people in the U.S. and other countries did not have access to them, and many people might have died because of that,” Martin Kulldorff, a professor of medicine on leave from Harvard Medical School, told The Epoch Times previously.

The VA was one of just a handful of agencies to keep its mandate in place following the removal of many federal mandates.

“At this time, the vaccine requirement will remain in effect for VA health care personnel, including VA psychologists, pharmacists, social workers, nursing assistants, physical therapists, respiratory therapists, peer specialists, medical support assistants, engineers, housekeepers, and other clinical, administrative, and infrastructure support employees,” Mr. McDonough wrote to VA employees at the time.

This also includes VA volunteers and contractors. Effectively, this means that any Veterans Health Administration (VHA) employee, volunteer, or contractor who works in VHA facilities, visits VHA facilities, or provides direct care to those we serve will still be subject to the vaccine requirement at this time,” he said. “We continue to monitor and discuss this requirement, and we will provide more information about the vaccination requirements for VA health care employees soon. As always, we will process requests for vaccination exceptions in accordance with applicable laws, regulations, and policies.”

The version of the shots cleared in the fall of 2022, and available through the fall of 2023, did not have any clinical trial data supporting them.

A new version was approved in the fall of 2023 because there were indications that the shots not only offered temporary protection but also that the level of protection was lower than what was observed during earlier stages of the pandemic.

Ms. Manookian, whose group has challenged several of the federal mandates, said that the mandate “illustrates the dangers of the administrative state and how these federal agencies have become a law unto themselves.”

Tyler Durden Sat, 03/09/2024 - 22:10

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Low Iron Levels In Blood Could Trigger Long COVID: Study

Low Iron Levels In Blood Could Trigger Long COVID: Study

Authored by Amie Dahnke via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

People with inadequate…

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Low Iron Levels In Blood Could Trigger Long COVID: Study

Authored by Amie Dahnke via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

People with inadequate iron levels in their blood due to a COVID-19 infection could be at greater risk of long COVID.

(Shutterstock)

A new study indicates that problems with iron levels in the bloodstream likely trigger chronic inflammation and other conditions associated with the post-COVID phenomenon. The findings, published on March 1 in Nature Immunology, could offer new ways to treat or prevent the condition.

Long COVID Patients Have Low Iron Levels

Researchers at the University of Cambridge pinpointed low iron as a potential link to long-COVID symptoms thanks to a study they initiated shortly after the start of the pandemic. They recruited people who tested positive for the virus to provide blood samples for analysis over a year, which allowed the researchers to look for post-infection changes in the blood. The researchers looked at 214 samples and found that 45 percent of patients reported symptoms of long COVID that lasted between three and 10 months.

In analyzing the blood samples, the research team noticed that people experiencing long COVID had low iron levels, contributing to anemia and low red blood cell production, just two weeks after they were diagnosed with COVID-19. This was true for patients regardless of age, sex, or the initial severity of their infection.

According to one of the study co-authors, the removal of iron from the bloodstream is a natural process and defense mechanism of the body.

But it can jeopardize a person’s recovery.

When the body has an infection, it responds by removing iron from the bloodstream. This protects us from potentially lethal bacteria that capture the iron in the bloodstream and grow rapidly. It’s an evolutionary response that redistributes iron in the body, and the blood plasma becomes an iron desert,” University of Oxford professor Hal Drakesmith said in a press release. “However, if this goes on for a long time, there is less iron for red blood cells, so oxygen is transported less efficiently affecting metabolism and energy production, and for white blood cells, which need iron to work properly. The protective mechanism ends up becoming a problem.”

The research team believes that consistently low iron levels could explain why individuals with long COVID continue to experience fatigue and difficulty exercising. As such, the researchers suggested iron supplementation to help regulate and prevent the often debilitating symptoms associated with long COVID.

It isn’t necessarily the case that individuals don’t have enough iron in their body, it’s just that it’s trapped in the wrong place,” Aimee Hanson, a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Cambridge who worked on the study, said in the press release. “What we need is a way to remobilize the iron and pull it back into the bloodstream, where it becomes more useful to the red blood cells.”

The research team pointed out that iron supplementation isn’t always straightforward. Achieving the right level of iron varies from person to person. Too much iron can cause stomach issues, ranging from constipation, nausea, and abdominal pain to gastritis and gastric lesions.

1 in 5 Still Affected by Long COVID

COVID-19 has affected nearly 40 percent of Americans, with one in five of those still suffering from symptoms of long COVID, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Long COVID is marked by health issues that continue at least four weeks after an individual was initially diagnosed with COVID-19. Symptoms can last for days, weeks, months, or years and may include fatigue, cough or chest pain, headache, brain fog, depression or anxiety, digestive issues, and joint or muscle pain.

Tyler Durden Sat, 03/09/2024 - 12:50

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