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November Monthly

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Several issues that have cast a pall over the business and investment climate are likely to be lifted shortly.  Many still fear that the results of the US election will not be known for an extended period of time, but we note that a metric of fear, the difference between November and December VIX (S&P volatility) futures was at a six-month low before the surge in contagion spurred the biggest equity sell-off in four months as October wound down   

The underlying drivers of the $6.6 trillion-a-day turnover in the foreign exchange market are about the broad monetary and fiscal policies in both absolute and relative terms.  The policy mix in the US will remain the same in 2021 of easy monetary and accommodative fiscal policy.  Meanwhile, the mid-October deadline for the UK-EU trade talks was extended.  The rhetoric is not nearly as bellicose as it was, and the atmosphere appears to have improved.  The new deadline is the mid-November EU summit, to give the 27 EU countries and the EU Parliament time to ratify an agreement. 

The optimists hope that an effective vaccine can be announced in the coming weeks.  However, the most immediate concern is the surge in the virus in Europe and the United States.  Low nominal and often negative real rates coupled with government borrowing has helped support aggregate demand with few exceptions.  Regardless of the scale, countries, companies, households, and individuals are vulnerable to another shock.  The bar is low, and the pandemic's extension well into next year would likely be sufficient.  The month-long new social restrictions in Europe, for example, way cut quarterly growth by around 0.5%.  At the same time, the game of great powers continues, and potential flashpoints in Asia, the Caucuses and Northern Africa have not been resolved. 

Based on the projected policy mixes and other considerations, we expect the dollar to depreciate on a trend basis.  The dollar was little changed at mid-year against the euro and yen and was about 1.4% higher against the Chinese yuan.  Now, through ten months, the euro is about 5.3% higher, the yen 3.6%, and the yuan has appreciated by almost 3.8% against the dollar.  However, this may be somewhat misleading.  

The dollar has been range against both the euro and yen.  Since the last week of July, the euro has been confined to roughly a $1.16 to $1.20 trading range. The 50-day moving average is flat near the middle of the range.  The contagion, the new restrictions, and the ECB's commitment to ease in December warn of downside risks in the euro.  

For nearly as long, the dollar has been in a JPY104-JPY107 range, as well. The recent range is even smaller, as the dollar has been below JPY106 since the middle of September, with a brief exception earlier in October.  Nevertheless, October was the fourth consecutive month that the dollar recorded lower highs and found bids near JPY104.00.   A move back toward JPY106 is likely in the weeks ahead.  

The Chinese yuan has been trending higher.  Indeed, it has only declined in four of the past eighteen weeks.  After falling by about 6.25% to levels not seen since mid-2018, the dollar consolidated in late October.  If the managed currency has strengthened, it must be assumed that Beijing allows it.  Some currency strength is consistent with the "dual circulation" drive, but more importantly, maybe a signal for global investors.  As China's markets are integrated into global benchmarks, and its sheer size will boost its weight over time. This is going on while trade tensions remain elevated.   Both impulses,  the decoupling on trade and China's inclusion in international capital markets, will likely continue regardless of the US election results.  

This is a different kind of internationalization of the yuan than an offshore currency (CNH) and bond market (Dim Sum) entailed.  Attractive economic fundamentals, coupled with improved access, and inclusion in industry benchmarks, encourage capital inflows from foreign investors.  In turn, the combination of the large current account surplus and the portfolio capital inflows should exert upward pressure on the exchange rate.  Beijing uses such periods of upward pressure on the yuan to relax some rules that discourage capital outflows, like the quota for the Qualified Domestic Institutional Investors for overseas investments or the reserve requirement on forwards.  In late October, the PBOC adjusted how the dollar's reference rate was set, making it somewhat more transparent.  In the weeks ahead, Beijing's intentions may become clearer, and investors will have a better idea of the extent of that of the yuan's appreciation that will be sanctioned.  The currency may become more volatile than it has been.


Dollar:   The dollar generally trended lower from late September through the first of October against most of the major currencies and but turned higher against as the virus surged in Europe and policymakers from Australia and Europe signaled a policy response, while the Federal Reserve expounded on its new average inflation target without committing to fresh actions.  More fiscal stimulus is likely to be forthcoming.  The election will determine the extent and priorities.  Next year, as was the case this year, the US will again likely have the largest budget deficit among the high-income countries. The Federal Reserve meets on November 5.  It does not seem prepared to take new measures.  The possibility of yield curve control appears to have been eclipsed by signals suggesting officials, at some point, may extend the duration of the $80 bln a month of Treasuries currently being purchased.  The decision does not appear imminent.  The Bank of England, the Reserve Bank of Australia, and the European Central Bank are likely to move before the Federal Reserve.  This implies that the dollar may be stronger than we previously anticipated into early next year.  However, when the situation stabilizes, we still expect the twin-deficit meme to frame a trend lower for the dollar.  


Euro: 
 After falling to nearly $1.16 in late September, the euro trended higher to around $1.1880 in the third week of October. The surging pandemic, which led to new social restrictions that even if they last a month, will sap the recovery that had already appeared to be stalling.  As a rough estimate, a month-long closure may reduce Q4 GDP around 0.5-0.7 percentage points. The ECB has all but formally committed itself to ease policy in December, which could very well include a rate cut in addition to new low rate loans and more bond-buying for longer. The much-heralded joint fiscal initiative (750 bln euro, Recovery Fund) appears bogged down in political negotiations at the European Parliament. Even after the technical details are agreed upon, the use of the funds to enforce the "rule of law" practices will still encounter objections (e.g., Hungary, Poland).  The summer's bullishness toward the euro that had lifted it to $1.20 has been undermined by the virus.  Speculators in the futures market have trimmed their net long euro position, but it remains at a record high but this recent period.  We see these recent developments as tempering the pace of the euro's uptrend we expect, but at this juncture, we do not see it changing the trend.  

 

(end of October indicative prices, previous in parentheses)

 

Spot: $1.1645  ($1.1720) 

Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast $1.1725 ($1.1785) 

One-month forward  $1.1655 ($1.1735)    One-month implied vol  7.9%  (6.5%)    

 

 

Yen:  The Bank of Japan now projects the world's third-largest economy will contract by 5.5% in the current fiscal year that runs through March 2021.  Previously it forecast a 4.7% contraction.  Part of the growth was shifted to FY2021, which is now expected to expand by 3.6% rather than 3.3%.  Prime Minister Suga appears to be preparing for a third supplemental budget for this year that could be formally announced in the weeks ahead.  Talk is of a JPY10 trillion package, of which nearly three-quarters may come from re-directing unspent funds from past budgets.  The US 10-year premium over Japan has trended higher since early August when it was below 50 bp.   Although it is near 80 bp now, it has rarely been lower over the past 30 years.  Moreover, for yen-based investors hedging the dollar currency risk is expensive.  After spending most of the August-September period inversely correlated with the S&P 500 on a purely directional basis, the dollar-yen exchange rate spent most of October positively but albeit slightly, correlated.  

 

Spot: JPY104.65 (JPY105.50)      

Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast JPY104.85 (JPY105.70)     

One-month forward JPY105.00  (JPY105.60)    One-month implied vol  8.0% (5.7%)  

 

 

Sterling:  After falling by about 3.35% in September, sterling rebounded by about 1% in October.  Sterling proved resilient in the face of the brinkmanship tactics that had seemed to end the talks in the middle of the month and rallied when the talks resumed. While many are still hopeful of an agreement, it is not at hand yet, and might not be until closer to the next brink (middle of November).  The implied volatility curve peaks in November and then gradually falls almost two percentage points over the next year.   We remain concerned that many businesses are unprepared, and even with an agreement, disruptions can be significant.   For businesses that rely on product either directly from the UK or EU goods via the UK, inventory management for some industries may be a way to minimize disruption.  The Bank of England meets on November 5 and if it does not extend is Gilt buying, the market will be disappointed.  The bank rate is set at 10 bp, but the bills and Gilt yields through five-years remain below zero.  A ten basis point rate cut is also a possibility.  The BOE has purposely not ruled out adopting a negative interest rate target but has clearly signaled it is not ready.  The UK's budget deficit is expected to be near 14% of GDP this year, among the largest in the G7.  Improvement depends on the course of the virus.   

 

Spot: $1.2950 ($1.2920)   

Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast $1.2975 ($1.2950) 

One-month forward $1.2950 ($1.2930)   One-month implied vol 11.3% (10.7%)

  

 

Canadian Dollar:   The New Democrat Party came to the minority Trudeau government's support twice in recent weeks.  Neither the Liberals nor Conservatives are prepared to go to the polls.  However, minority governments do not typically last more than a couple of years in Canada and the current government has begun its second year.  There is political pressure for Trudeau to re-introduce a new fiscal anchor, but the pandemic does not make it practical. Finance Minister Freeland is expected to provide her first fiscal update in November. The last estimate in July put the deficit at near 16% of GDP, but the new initiatives suggest it may be closer to 18%-19%. The Bank of Canada pledges to keep the target rate at 0.25% until the economic slack is absorbed, which it does not anticipate until 2023.  It no longer will buy mortgage-backed securities.  Perhaps, most importantly, the Bank of Canada will reduce its government bond-buying program to CAD4 bln from CAD5 bln and shift its attention to longer-term bonds.  

 

Spot: CAD1.3320  (CAD 1.3320) 

Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast  CAD1.3285 (CAD1.3275)

One-month forward  CAD1.3300  (CAD1.3325)    One-month implied vol  8.3%  (6.2%) 

 

 

Australian Dollar:  The Australian dollar underperformed last month.  Although the loss was small (~0.5%), it was the only major currency that falls for the second consecutive month.  In addition to the virus, which is daunting enough, Canberra also must cope with expressions of China's displeasure that has impacted trade. The Reserve Bank of Australia has downplayed the efficacy of negative interest rates but has mused aloud about other measures it can take to provide more stimulus.  The next RBA meeting is November 3, and many participants expect a move.  It targets a 25 bp cash rate and three-year bond (yield curve control).  However, the three-year yield is about 11 bp, and the effective cash rare is 13 bp.  The RBA indicated that targeting a longer-dated rate was a possibility.  Although it also cited the possibility of buying foreign bonds, this may be too controversial to venture now.    

 

Spot:  $0.7030 ($0.7160)       

Median Bloomberg One-Month Forecast $0.7115 ($0.7175)     

One-month forward  $0.7030 ($0.7165)     One-month implied vol 12.0%  (10.0%)   

 

 

Mexican Peso:  The Mexican peso was the strongest currency in October, appreciating nearly 6% against the dollar to pare its year-to-date loss to about 9.3%.  The peso's gains are driven by a large trade surplus, strong worker remittances, and portfolio flows attracted by relatively high-interest rates.  The central bank has been signaling that after nearly halving its target rate to 4% and inflation probing the upper end of its 3% +/- 1% target, it was running out of room to cut interest rates further.  However, with President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) reluctant to use fiscal stimulus, which entails borrowing and boosting debt, it leaves monetary policy as the main tool.  The central bank's decision is finely balanced.  Two of the board's five members thought there is no room to cut rates, and two saw additional scope, leaving one as the tie-breaker.  

 

Spot: MXN21.18 (MXN22.11)  

Median Bloomberg One-Month Forecast  MXN21.60 (MXN22.07)  

One-month forward  MXN21.25 (MXN22.19)     One-month implied vol 20.5% (18.2%)

 

 

Chinese Yuan:  The yuan has been adjusting higher for several months. It finished October near its best level in two years. The increasing integration of China into the global capital markets means that strong portfolio capital inflows compound the yuan's upside pressure stemming from the growing trade surplus. Beijing's strategy appears to be two-fold: accept some appreciation of the yuan and reduce some (not all) regulatory hurdles to capital outflows. We suspect many market participants do not trust the price action and focus instead on the precise mechanism by which the PBOC has managed the pace of the yuan's appreciation. The median year-end forecast in the Bloomberg survey is for CNY6.75.  This may overstate the case.  If, on the other hand, the integration into the global capital markets has required a change in Beijing's strategy, there could be potential toward CNY6.6500 before year-end.  

 

Spot: CNY6.6915 (CNY6.7900)

Median Bloomberg One-month Forecast  CNY6.7210 (CNY6.8125) 

One-month forward CNY6.7150  (CNY6.7935)    One-month implied vol  6.6% (5.9%)

 



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President Biden Delivers The “Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President”

President Biden Delivers The "Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President"

Having successfully raged, ranted, lied, and yelled through…

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President Biden Delivers The "Darkest, Most Un-American Speech Given By A President"

Having successfully raged, ranted, lied, and yelled through the State of The Union, President Biden can go back to his crypt now.

Whatever 'they' gave Biden, every American man, woman, and the other should be allowed to take it - though it seems the cocktail brings out 'dark Brandon'?

Tl;dw: Biden's Speech tonight ...

  • Fund Ukraine.

  • Trump is threat to democracy and America itself.

  • Abortion is good.

  • American Economy is stronger than ever.

  • Inflation wasn't Biden's fault.

  • Illegals are Americans too.

  • Republicans are responsible for the border crisis.

  • Trump is bad.

  • Biden stands with trans-children.

  • J6 was the worst insurrection since the Civil War.

(h/t @TCDMS99)

Tucker Carlson's response sums it all up perfectly:

"that was possibly the darkest, most un-American speech given by an American president. It wasn't a speech, it was a rant..."

Carlson continued: "The true measure of a nation's greatness lies within its capacity to control borders, yet Bid refuses to do it."

"In a fair election, Joe Biden cannot win"

And concluded:

“There was not a meaningful word for the entire duration about the things that actually matter to people who live here.”

Victor Davis Hanson added some excellent color, but this was probably the best line on Biden:

"he doesn't care... he lives in an alternative reality."

*  *  *

Watch SOTU Live here...

*   *   *

Mises' Connor O'Keeffe, warns: "Be on the Lookout for These Lies in Biden's State of the Union Address." 

On Thursday evening, President Joe Biden is set to give his third State of the Union address. The political press has been buzzing with speculation over what the president will say. That speculation, however, is focused more on how Biden will perform, and which issues he will prioritize. Much of the speech is expected to be familiar.

The story Biden will tell about what he has done as president and where the country finds itself as a result will be the same dishonest story he's been telling since at least the summer.

He'll cite government statistics to say the economy is growing, unemployment is low, and inflation is down.

Something that has been frustrating Biden, his team, and his allies in the media is that the American people do not feel as economically well off as the official data says they are. Despite what the White House and establishment-friendly journalists say, the problem lies with the data, not the American people's ability to perceive their own well-being.

As I wrote back in January, the reason for the discrepancy is the lack of distinction made between private economic activity and government spending in the most frequently cited economic indicators. There is an important difference between the two:

  • Government, unlike any other entity in the economy, can simply take money and resources from others to spend on things and hire people. Whether or not the spending brings people value is irrelevant

  • It's the private sector that's responsible for producing goods and services that actually meet people's needs and wants. So, the private components of the economy have the most significant effect on people's economic well-being.

Recently, government spending and hiring has accounted for a larger than normal share of both economic activity and employment. This means the government is propping up these traditional measures, making the economy appear better than it actually is. Also, many of the jobs Biden and his allies take credit for creating will quickly go away once it becomes clear that consumers don't actually want whatever the government encouraged these companies to produce.

On top of all that, the administration is dealing with the consequences of their chosen inflation rhetoric.

Since its peak in the summer of 2022, the president's team has talked about inflation "coming back down," which can easily give the impression that it's prices that will eventually come back down.

But that's not what that phrase means. It would be more honest to say that price increases are slowing down.

Americans are finally waking up to the fact that the cost of living will not return to prepandemic levels, and they're not happy about it.

The president has made some clumsy attempts at damage control, such as a Super Bowl Sunday video attacking food companies for "shrinkflation"—selling smaller portions at the same price instead of simply raising prices.

In his speech Thursday, Biden is expected to play up his desire to crack down on the "corporate greed" he's blaming for high prices.

In the name of "bringing down costs for Americans," the administration wants to implement targeted price ceilings - something anyone who has taken even a single economics class could tell you does more harm than good. Biden would never place the blame for the dramatic price increases we've experienced during his term where it actually belongs—on all the government spending that he and President Donald Trump oversaw during the pandemic, funded by the creation of $6 trillion out of thin air - because that kind of spending is precisely what he hopes to kick back up in a second term.

If reelected, the president wants to "revive" parts of his so-called Build Back Better agenda, which he tried and failed to pass in his first year. That would bring a significant expansion of domestic spending. And Biden remains committed to the idea that Americans must be forced to continue funding the war in Ukraine. That's another topic Biden is expected to highlight in the State of the Union, likely accompanied by the lie that Ukraine spending is good for the American economy. It isn't.

It's not possible to predict all the ways President Biden will exaggerate, mislead, and outright lie in his speech on Thursday. But we can be sure of two things. The "state of the Union" is not as strong as Biden will say it is. And his policy ambitions risk making it much worse.

*  *  *

The American people will be tuning in on their smartphones, laptops, and televisions on Thursday evening to see if 'sloppy joe' 81-year-old President Joe Biden can coherently put together more than two sentences (even with a teleprompter) as he gives his third State of the Union in front of a divided Congress. 

President Biden will speak on various topics to convince voters why he shouldn't be sent to a retirement home.

According to CNN sources, here are some of the topics Biden will discuss tonight:

  • Economic issues: Biden and his team have been drafting a speech heavy on economic populism, aides said, with calls for higher taxes on corporations and the wealthy – an attempt to draw a sharp contrast with Republicans and their likely presidential nominee, Donald Trump.

  • Health care expenses: Biden will also push for lowering health care costs and discuss his efforts to go after drug manufacturers to lower the cost of prescription medications — all issues his advisers believe can help buoy what have been sagging economic approval ratings.

  • Israel's war with Hamas: Also looming large over Biden's primetime address is the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, which has consumed much of the president's time and attention over the past few months. The president's top national security advisers have been working around the clock to try to finalize a ceasefire-hostages release deal by Ramadan, the Muslim holy month that begins next week.

  • An argument for reelection: Aides view Thursday's speech as a critical opportunity for the president to tout his accomplishments in office and lay out his plans for another four years in the nation's top job. Even though viewership has declined over the years, the yearly speech reliably draws tens of millions of households.

Sources provided more color on Biden's SOTU address: 

The speech is expected to be heavy on economic populism. The president will talk about raising taxes on corporations and the wealthy. He'll highlight efforts to cut costs for the American people, including pushing Congress to help make prescription drugs more affordable.

Biden will talk about the need to preserve democracy and freedom, a cornerstone of his re-election bid. That includes protecting and bolstering reproductive rights, an issue Democrats believe will energize voters in November. Biden is also expected to promote his unity agenda, a key feature of each of his addresses to Congress while in office.

Biden is also expected to give remarks on border security while the invasion of illegals has become one of the most heated topics among American voters. A majority of voters are frustrated with radical progressives in the White House facilitating the illegal migrant invasion. 

It is probable that the president will attribute the failure of the Senate border bill to the Republicans, a claim many voters view as unfounded. This is because the White House has the option to issue an executive order to restore border security, yet opts not to do so

Maybe this is why? 

While Biden addresses the nation, the Biden administration will be armed with a social media team to pump propaganda to at least 100 million Americans. 

"The White House hosted about 70 creators, digital publishers, and influencers across three separate events" on Wednesday and Thursday, a White House official told CNN. 

Not a very capable social media team... 

The administration's move to ramp up social media operations comes as users on X are mostly free from government censorship with Elon Musk at the helm. This infuriates Democrats, who can no longer censor their political enemies on X. 

Meanwhile, Democratic lawmakers tell Axios that the president's SOTU performance will be critical as he tries to dispel voter concerns about his elderly age. The address reached as many as 27 million people in 2023. 

"We are all nervous," said one House Democrat, citing concerns about the president's "ability to speak without blowing things."

The SOTU address comes as Biden's polling data is in the dumps

BetOnline has created several money-making opportunities for gamblers tonight, such as betting on what word Biden mentions the most. 

As well as...

We will update you when Tucker Carlson's live feed of SOTU is published. 

Tyler Durden Fri, 03/08/2024 - 07:44

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What is intersectionality and why does it make feminism more effective?

The social categories that we belong to shape our understanding of the world in different ways.

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Mary Long/Shutterstock

The way we talk about society and the people and structures in it is constantly changing. One term you may come across this International Women’s Day is “intersectionality”. And specifically, the concept of “intersectional feminism”.

Intersectionality refers to the fact that everyone is part of multiple social categories. These include gender, social class, sexuality, (dis)ability and racialisation (when people are divided into “racial” groups often based on skin colour or features).

These categories are not independent of each other, they intersect. This looks different for every person. For example, a black woman without a disability will have a different experience of society than a white woman without a disability – or a black woman with a disability.

An intersectional approach makes social policy more inclusive and just. Its value was evident in research during the pandemic, when it became clear that women from various groups, those who worked in caring jobs and who lived in crowded circumstances were much more likely to die from COVID.

A long-fought battle

American civil rights leader and scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw first introduced the term intersectionality in a 1989 paper. She argued that focusing on a single form of oppression (such as gender or race) perpetuated discrimination against black women, who are simultaneously subjected to both racism and sexism.

Crenshaw gave a name to ways of thinking and theorising that black and Latina feminists, as well as working-class and lesbian feminists, had argued for decades. The Combahee River Collective of black lesbians was groundbreaking in this work.

They called for strategic alliances with black men to oppose racism, white women to oppose sexism and lesbians to oppose homophobia. This was an example of how an intersectional understanding of identity and social power relations can create more opportunities for action.

These ideas have, through political struggle, come to be accepted in feminist thinking and women’s studies scholarship. An increasing number of feminists now use the term “intersectional feminism”.

The term has moved from academia to feminist activist and social justice circles and beyond in recent years. Its popularity and widespread use means it is subjected to much scrutiny and debate about how and when it should be employed. For example, some argue that it should always include attention to racism and racialisation.

Recognising more issues makes feminism more effective

In writing about intersectionality, Crenshaw argued that singular approaches to social categories made black women’s oppression invisible. Many black feminists have pointed out that white feminists frequently overlook how racial categories shape different women’s experiences.

One example is hair discrimination. It is only in the 2020s that many organisations in South Africa, the UK and US have recognised that it is discriminatory to regulate black women’s hairstyles in ways that render their natural hair unacceptable.

This is an intersectional approach. White women and most black men do not face the same discrimination and pressures to straighten their hair.

View from behind of a young, black woman speaking to female colleagues in an office
Intersectionality can lead to more inclusive organisations, activism and social movements. Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

“Abortion on demand” in the 1970s and 1980s in the UK and USA took no account of the fact that black women in these and many other countries needed to campaign against being given abortions against their will. The fight for reproductive justice does not look the same for all women.

Similarly, the experiences of working-class women have frequently been rendered invisible in white, middle class feminist campaigns and writings. Intersectionality means that these issues are recognised and fought for in an inclusive and more powerful way.

In the 35 years since Crenshaw coined the term, feminist scholars have analysed how women are positioned in society, for example, as black, working-class, lesbian or colonial subjects. Intersectionality reminds us that fruitful discussions about discrimination and justice must acknowledge how these different categories affect each other and their associated power relations.

This does not mean that research and policy cannot focus predominantly on one social category, such as race, gender or social class. But it does mean that we cannot, and should not, understand those categories in isolation of each other.

Ann Phoenix does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Biden defends immigration policy during State of the Union, blaming Republicans in Congress for refusing to act

A rising number of Americans say that immigration is the country’s biggest problem. Biden called for Congress to pass a bipartisan border and immigration…

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President Joe Biden delivers his State of the Union address on March 7, 2024. Alex Brandon-Pool/Getty Images

President Joe Biden delivered the annual State of the Union address on March 7, 2024, casting a wide net on a range of major themes – the economy, abortion rights, threats to democracy, the wars in Gaza and Ukraine – that are preoccupying many Americans heading into the November presidential election.

The president also addressed massive increases in immigration at the southern border and the political battle in Congress over how to manage it. “We can fight about the border, or we can fix it. I’m ready to fix it,” Biden said.

But while Biden stressed that he wants to overcome political division and take action on immigration and the border, he cautioned that he will not “demonize immigrants,” as he said his predecessor, former President Donald Trump, does.

“I will not separate families. I will not ban people from America because of their faith,” Biden said.

Biden’s speech comes as a rising number of American voters say that immigration is the country’s biggest problem.

Immigration law scholar Jean Lantz Reisz answers four questions about why immigration has become a top issue for Americans, and the limits of presidential power when it comes to immigration and border security.

President Joe Biden stands surrounded by people in formal clothing and smiles. One man holds a cell phone camera close up to his face.
President Joe Biden arrives to deliver the State of the Union address at the US Capitol on March 7, 2024. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

1. What is driving all of the attention and concern immigration is receiving?

The unprecedented number of undocumented migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border right now has drawn national concern to the U.S. immigration system and the president’s enforcement policies at the border.

Border security has always been part of the immigration debate about how to stop unlawful immigration.

But in this election, the immigration debate is also fueled by images of large groups of migrants crossing a river and crawling through barbed wire fences. There is also news of standoffs between Texas law enforcement and U.S. Border Patrol agents and cities like New York and Chicago struggling to handle the influx of arriving migrants.

Republicans blame Biden for not taking action on what they say is an “invasion” at the U.S. border. Democrats blame Republicans for refusing to pass laws that would give the president the power to stop the flow of migration at the border.

2. Are Biden’s immigration policies effective?

Confusion about immigration laws may be the reason people believe that Biden is not implementing effective policies at the border.

The U.S. passed a law in 1952 that gives any person arriving at the border or inside the U.S. the right to apply for asylum and the right to legally stay in the country, even if that person crossed the border illegally. That law has not changed.

Courts struck down many of former President Donald Trump’s policies that tried to limit immigration. Trump was able to lawfully deport migrants at the border without processing their asylum claims during the COVID-19 pandemic under a public health law called Title 42. Biden continued that policy until the legal justification for Title 42 – meaning the public health emergency – ended in 2023.

Republicans falsely attribute the surge in undocumented migration to the U.S. over the past three years to something they call Biden’s “open border” policy. There is no such policy.

Multiple factors are driving increased migration to the U.S.

More people are leaving dangerous or difficult situations in their countries, and some people have waited to migrate until after the COVID-19 pandemic ended. People who smuggle migrants are also spreading misinformation to migrants about the ability to enter and stay in the U.S.

Joe Biden wears a black blazer and a black hat as he stands next to a bald white man wearing a green uniform and a white truck that says 'Border Patrol' in green
President Joe Biden walks with Jason Owens, the chief of the U.S. Border Patrol, as he visits the U.S.-Mexico border in Brownsville, Texas, on Feb. 29, 2024. Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

3. How much power does the president have over immigration?

The president’s power regarding immigration is limited to enforcing existing immigration laws. But the president has broad authority over how to enforce those laws.

For example, the president can place every single immigrant unlawfully present in the U.S. in deportation proceedings. Because there is not enough money or employees at federal agencies and courts to accomplish that, the president will usually choose to prioritize the deportation of certain immigrants, like those who have committed serious and violent crimes in the U.S.

The federal agency Immigration and Customs Enforcement deported more than 142,000 immigrants from October 2022 through September 2023, double the number of people it deported the previous fiscal year.

But under current law, the president does not have the power to summarily expel migrants who say they are afraid of returning to their country. The law requires the president to process their claims for asylum.

Biden’s ability to enforce immigration law also depends on a budget approved by Congress. Without congressional approval, the president cannot spend money to build a wall, increase immigration detention facilities’ capacity or send more Border Patrol agents to process undocumented migrants entering the country.

A large group of people are seen sitting and standing along a tall brown fence in an empty area of brown dirt.
Migrants arrive at the border between El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, to surrender to American Border Patrol agents on March 5, 2024. Lokman Vural Elibol/Anadolu via Getty Images

4. How could Biden address the current immigration problems in this country?

In early 2024, Republicans in the Senate refused to pass a bill – developed by a bipartisan team of legislators – that would have made it harder to get asylum and given Biden the power to stop taking asylum applications when migrant crossings reached a certain number.

During his speech, Biden called this bill the “toughest set of border security reforms we’ve ever seen in this country.”

That bill would have also provided more federal money to help immigration agencies and courts quickly review more asylum claims and expedite the asylum process, which remains backlogged with millions of cases, Biden said. Biden said the bipartisan deal would also hire 1,500 more border security agents and officers, as well as 4,300 more asylum officers.

Removing this backlog in immigration courts could mean that some undocumented migrants, who now might wait six to eight years for an asylum hearing, would instead only wait six weeks, Biden said. That means it would be “highly unlikely” migrants would pay a large amount to be smuggled into the country, only to be “kicked out quickly,” Biden said.

“My Republican friends, you owe it to the American people to get this bill done. We need to act,” Biden said.

Biden’s remarks calling for Congress to pass the bill drew jeers from some in the audience. Biden quickly responded, saying that it was a bipartisan effort: “What are you against?” he asked.

Biden is now considering using section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to get more control over immigration. This sweeping law allows the president to temporarily suspend or restrict the entry of all foreigners if their arrival is detrimental to the U.S.

This obscure law gained attention when Trump used it in January 2017 to implement a travel ban on foreigners from mainly Muslim countries. The Supreme Court upheld the travel ban in 2018.

Trump again also signed an executive order in April 2020 that blocked foreigners who were seeking lawful permanent residency from entering the country for 60 days, citing this same section of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

Biden did not mention any possible use of section 212(f) during his State of the Union speech. If the president uses this, it would likely be challenged in court. It is not clear that 212(f) would apply to people already in the U.S., and it conflicts with existing asylum law that gives people within the U.S. the right to seek asylum.

Jean Lantz Reisz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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