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Destination Spokane: How remote work and new arrivals are changing one tech community

SPOKANE, Wash. — The “great migration” got a head start here. Long before the rise of remote work spurred many tech workers to move to more affordable…

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There was a packed house at the Ignite 25+5 Awards in Spokane in February, including longtime members of the tech community and newcomers. (GeekWire Photo / Todd Bishop)

SPOKANE, Wash. — The “great migration” got a head start here.

Long before the rise of remote work spurred many tech workers to move to more affordable and livable parts of the country, Spokane started to see a trickle of people and companies from Seattle, seeking lower costs and a new lifestyle. GeekWire documented the phenomenon back in 2019.

The pandemic opened the spigot, bringing a population inflow from around the country that has made some tech companies in the Spokane area more optimistic about their prospects for tapping into a larger pool of local talent.

Some entrepreneurs who originally moved to Spokane in the interest of their families and the way of life are now building their startups here, optimistic about hiring employees from the region.

Startup community leaders see an opportunity to bring employees and executives who are working remotely in Spokane into the fold of the local tech ecosystem.

Bill Kalivas of LaunchPad Inland Northwest.

“There’s been a ton of people who have contacted us to get connected,” said Bill Kalivas of LaunchPad Inland Northwest, a group working to connect and expand the region’s innovation community. “You have so many people working from home who don’t want to feel isolated. They want to plug in. It’s really been remarkable.”

Kalivas is a remote worker himself, a Google Cloud sales executive who revived the LaunchPad organization as part of the tech giant’s 20% initiative. The group runs a variety of events and programs for the tech, business, and startup community, including mentorship and networking.

There are downsides to the influx, as well. In particular, the growing population has started to chip away at the affordability advantage that drew many people to Spokane in the first place.

Meanwhile, the rise of remote work means companies in the region can more easily employ people around the country or the world. That’s a mixed bag for a place like Spokane, expanding the options for startups seeking to grow, but creating a more dispersed workforce with looser connections to the local community.

Megan Hulsey of Craft3, a nonprofit Community Development Financial Institution.

At the same time, connecting with people working remotely in Spokane can be hit and miss, said Megan Hulsey, a Spokane-based vice president and business lender with Craft3, a nonprofit Community Development Financial Institution.

In some cases, those workers prefer to fly under the radar, so as not to jeopardize their ability to work remotely. Hulsey cited efforts by groups including Ignite Northwest to identify and engage with people working remotely in the region.

“I think that’s an opportunity for us,” she said. “But finding them is hard.”

In all of these ways, Spokane is a case study in the impact of remote work and migration outside the nation’s largest tech hubs, as we’ve found in our reporting for this special series on the tech community and economy in Spokane and the larger region of the Inland Northwest.

Spokane’s population influx

In raw numbers, Spokane County grew by 7% from 2018 to 2023, to a population of 551,000 as of last year, according to U.S. Census Bureau data. The county is the fourth-largest in Washington state, and the city of Spokane (population 230,000) is the second-largest in the state behind Seattle (population 750,000).

Martin Tobias of Incisive Ventures.

“This thing where people were leaving big cities and coming to small cities in the last three years has definitely hit Spokane like a wave,” said venture capitalist Martin Tobias of Incisive Ventures, the longtime Seattle investor, entrepreneur, and technology executive. “I can’t tell you how many Microsoft people, or people from other big cities, have moved here just for the quality of life.”

Tobias is one. He and his wife moved to Spokane at the onset of the pandemic, in part to escape the lockdown mindset in Seattle and Los Angeles at the time.

“We thought maybe Spokane would be a little more free, and it is,” he said.

Tobias invests in business-to-business software companies all over the world, and didn’t intend to fund Spokane-area startups. However, he was surprised by the welcoming nature of the Spokane investor community.

Tobias has backed three Spokane startups so far — including the first company he met after moving to the region, Vega Cloud, which he believes will be among his most successful investments overall.

Another major upside of moving to Spokane, Tobias said, was the ability to buy a home three times as big for one-third the price of a home in Seattle.

Spokane’s leaders have long cited the relatively low cost of living as a key selling point, along with a supportive and constructive business and investment community, easy access to outdoor recreation, and minimal traffic.

This traditional strength of affordability has been put at risk in recent years.

  • Spokane County’s cost of living is 11% higher than the current U.S. average, according to the Spokane Workforce Council. As recently as 2020, it was less than 1 point above the nation.
  • Spokane remains far more affordable than King County — home to Microsoft and Amazon, and the tech hubs of Seattle and Bellevue — where the cost of living exceeds the U.S. average by nearly 35%.
  • However, wages in the Spokane area haven’t kept up with the cost of living. The average annual wage in Spokane County is about $61,000, about $9,000 less than the national average.

“The cost of living is really being driven by the housing market. We’ve had population growth, but not enough housing being built,” said Mike McBride, Spokane Workforce Council business and industry analyst. “Of course, that’s not a Spokane-specific thing. It’s anywhere in the country that’s growing. But we’ve acutely felt it.”

The median selling price for homes in Spokane County in February was $415,000, up 6.7% over the past year, and slightly higher than the national median of $411,887 for the same month, according to Redfin data. By comparison, Spokane County’s median selling price was in the mid-$200,000s five years ago.

Spokane Mayor Lisa Brown.

The city is seeking to address the affordability issue in part by encouraging new forms of housing. Spokane is emerging as a leader in the state by updating its development code to accommodate fourplexes and other forms of “middle housing.”

Lisa Brown, the former state legislator, educator, and past Washington state Commerce Department director who took office as Spokane’s mayor in January, cited housing affordability a central issue for the region and her administration.

“We’re working hard on that one,” Brown said in an interview with GeekWire, describing affordable housing as one of the keys to keeping recent university graduates in Spokane, and making the city viable for young families.

One of the entrepreneurs who has moved to the region in recent years is Joy Tang, CEO of Markable.AI, which makes technology to help social media creators and influencers automate and streamline their workflows.

Joy Tang, CEO of Markable AI. (GeekWire Photo / John Cook)

Tang relocated three years ago from the Bay Area due to her husband’s work.

In some ways, she said, she sees Spokane almost as an extension of the Seattle tech market, particularly after talent was able to migrate across the state during the pandemic. Markable’s team includes people in Spokane, Seattle, the Bay Area and China. While the talent pool may be larger in Seattle, she said, there are benefits to hiring in Spokane.

“The positive is that it’s a smaller circle here,” Tang said. “You can quickly find the right talent, and find out their history, because it’s such as small town — everybody knows everything.”

With the population influx, there has been a 13% increase in information technology jobs in Spokane County between 2018 and 2023, according to data from the Spokane Workforce Council.

However, IT jobs remain a small part of the overall workforce, less than 3% of employment. That leaves remote tech workers with a scarcity of local employment options if they lose or leave their jobs.

And for startups, remote hiring only goes so far. Some Spokane startup leaders say it’s especially difficult to compete for specialized talent like cloud and AI engineers who are critical to many of today’s tech innovations.

Signs pointed to Spokane

Some of Spokane’s newcomers are among the most optimistic about its future.

Startup entrepreneur and software engineer Mark Harrell and his family moved to Spokane from Austin about a year-and-a half ago. He grew up in Panama as a military kid, and lived in other cities including Pittsburgh, Tucson, and Bellingham, where he met his wife.

He wanted his sons to grow up building forts, hunting, fishing, skiing, and participating in other outdoors activities, in addition to watching great basketball.

Mark Harrell, CEO and founder of Chapterly. (Photo courtesy of Mark Harrell)

Austin ultimately didn’t meet their criteria, and they’d grown weary of the weather in Western Washington. They filtered through “a big, long list” of options, as he recalled, and landed on Spokane as the ideal location.

Harrell brought not just his family but also his startup with him. Chapterly, founded in 2021, offers tools for authors to design, plan, research and write, and then export and publish on their platform of choice. Flying mostly under the radar in the industry so far, it has amassed a user base of more than 2,700 authors.

Chapterly has three full-time engineers, working remotely, in addition to a contract support team. But as he grows the company, Harrell said he is increasingly optimistic about hiring in Spokane — much to his own surprise.

“When I moved here, it wasn’t because I had done a ton of research on the startup community here, or some of the engineering talent that is here. But it seems like that is thriving,” he said, citing as one example the packed crowd at the Ignite 25+5 Awards, which he attended in February in downtown Spokane.

The early mover

One of the trendsetters in the migration was Craig Tadlock, CEO of GoToTags, an RFID (Radio Frequency Identification) hardware and software solutions provider. The startup moved in 2019 from Seattle to Spokane, where he grew up. His main motivation for making the move was a quest for cheaper space, due to skyrocketing office rental rates in the Seattle area.

Tadlock was featured in that GeekWire story about Spokane five years ago. We caught up with him on a recent visit to Spokane, at GoToTag’s office in the Kendall Yards neighborhood, just across the Spokane River from downtown.

Sure enough, the company’s lease rate is about one-third the price per square foot compared with what it would have paid for a new lease in Seattle if it had stayed five years ago.

GoToTags has 10 employees in Spokane. Two people moved with the company from Seattle, and both are still there. The nature of its business, involving hardware and software, requires in-person work for the most part, and makes remote hiring tough. Tadlock rebuilt the rest of the team by recruiting from the Spokane area.

GoToTags CEO Craig Tadlock at the company’s Spokane office. (GeekWire Photo / Todd Bishop)

The best part about the move? “The people,” he said. “They’re there to work. There’s no ego.”

In another way, people represent the biggest disappointment, he said. There’s not enough of them. One factor, he believes, is the strong loyalty displayed by workers in the Spokane area. That’s part of what makes people in Spokane such great employees, he said. But it also means labor market isn’t as fluid as it could be.

“The pool of candidates is smaller,” he said. “It’s a double-edged sword.”

Tadlock’s perspective is informed in part by the fact that he grew up in Spokane. He also worked as an early employee at HomeGrocer in the Seattle region, starting in the late 1990s, during the heyday of the dotcom boom.

Because Spokane hasn’t yet seen its companies take off and soar to the degree some have in major tech hubs, Tadlock said, it can be tougher to attract local employees using incentives like stock options to sweeten the offer.

The influx of tech workers from Seattle and elsewhere during the pandemic was a mixed blessing. Many of them brought their higher salaries with them, Tadlock said, making it tougher for employers in the Spokane area to meet their compensation expectations, even after some lost their remote jobs due to industry cutbacks.

GoToTags works with technologies including Near Field Communication (NFC), Ultra-High Frequency RFID, and barcodes. The sector is expanding rapidly due in part to the supplier inventory tracking requirements that Walmart and other companies are adopting. GoToTags is profitable, funded by revenue, he said.

Five years later, was moving to Spokane the right call? Yes, Tadlock said.

“It’s different,” he said, “but overall, for the type of business that we are, I feel like it’s a better place.”

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Another popular beer, brewery brand files Chapter 11 bankruptcy

It has been a dark period for breweries with countless brands going out of business.

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When Anchor Brewing closed in July, it marked a symbolic change in the craft brewery business. That company, which had 127 years of history sort of embodied the spirit of upstart breweries offering alternatives to the big beer brands.

It was a very successful company that achieved national recognition and distribution which hit a brick wall during the Covid pandemic. Sales slowed, as bars were closed during the lockdown period and that created a financial hole the company could not escape.

Related: Mall retailer considers Chapter 11 bankruptcy as cash dwindles

Anchor Brewing's future remains unclear as the company has attracted a lot of interest but has not yet been purchased. It's situation, however, is not unique as pandemic-related woes forced a number of breweries and craft beer brand to shut down.

It was kind of a perfect storm where companies that made much of their revenue from on-site sales saw that business dry up. That created a situation where it was impossible to not lose money and that created debt that many breweries simply could not recover from.

Increased debt loads made making changes hard and lowered demand drove many regional favorites including Chicago’s Metropolitan Brewing, New Jersey’s Flying Fish, Denver’s Joyride Brewing, Tampa’s Zydeco Brew Werks, and Cleveland’s Terrestrial Brewing into bankruptcy.

The hits just keep coming as another regional favorite, Fargo Brewing, has filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection.

Regional breweries have suffered since the Covid pandemic.

Image source: Shutterstock

Fargo Brewing has a deep community connection

Fargo Brewing not only brew beer, it also hosts relatively big-name bands. The company was built around beer, but its outdoor concert venue has hosted acts including Violent Femmes, rapper Prof, and country singer Shakey Graves.

"Since its founding in 2010, Fargo Brewing has been on a mission to bring our community together through the art of craft beer. We understand that you are more than just beer enthusiasts; you are the heart and soul of Fargo, and we are here to celebrate you," the company shares on its website.

The company has also made a point of staying connected to its community.

"As locals ourselves, we share your love of classic beer and celebrate the uniqueness of our city. That's why we put our heart into every batch, meticulously crafting beers that resonate with your diverse tastes. Whether you're a hop-head seeking bold flavors or a newcomer eager to explore approachable styles, we have specifically for you," it posted.

The company has a wide variety of beers on tap at its brewery, as well as at select other locations. Its beers range from its Fargo Lager, a very traditional beer to more exotic offerings including its Blood Orange Wood Chipper IPA and its Nitro Stone's Throw Scottish Ale.

Fargo Brewing files Chapter 11 bankruptcy

Fargo Brewing has filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection under Subchapter V of the bankruptcy code. That means its debts are less than $7.5 million. The company also said that it expects to have funds available to pay unsecured creditors.

The company has not shared a financing or turnaround plan but it did share with the court that it has some assets that will lose value if over time. That likely refers to perishable goods used in making beer. 

Fargo Brewing reported assets in the range of $100-500,000. Its liabilities are in the $1-10 million range (based on the checked box on the bankruptcy form), but must be under $7.5 million based on it filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy under Subchapter V.

The brewery appears to still be operational and events are listed on its website, with tickets still being sold for concerts well into July.  

 

 

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The Survey of Consumer Expectations: A Look Back at the Past Decade

It has been a little over ten years since we started releasing findings from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Survey of Consumer Expectations (SCE)….

It has been a little over ten years since we started releasing findings from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Survey of Consumer Expectations (SCE). In this post, we review some of the headline findings from the first decade of the survey’s history, highlighting the evolution of consumers’ expectations about inflation and labor market outcomes. 

A New Approach to Tracking Consumer Expectations 

The SCE is a nationally representative, internet-based monthly survey of a rotating panel of about 1,300 household heads in the United States. The survey collects timely, high-frequency information about consumer expectations for a broad range of macroeconomic and personal economic outcomes.  

The survey was the outcome of a six-year development project, the focus of which was to examine existing measures of inflation expectations and propose more quantitative alternative measures. In addition to inflation expectations, our objective was to capture consumers’ degree of uncertainty about future inflation and elicit their expectations about many other economic outcomes. This development and testing phase involved best-practice survey design approaches, including collaborations with renowned psychologists on cognitive interviews and follow-up surveys, and the pretesting of survey questions using randomized survey-based experiments. Another important design component of the SCE is its rotating panel structure—whereby each respondent stays in the panel for twelve months and a share of respondents rotate out of the panel each month, being replaced by new respondents. This design enables researchers to study how individual consumers revise their expectations over time. 

Over the past decade, the SCE has expanded considerably in scope. Each month, the “core” questionnaire elicits expectations from a stable panel of consumers on a broad variety of macroeconomic and personal topics, covering outcomes such as inflation, unemployment, home price changes, credit availability, individual wage growth, the likelihood of losing or finding a job, household spending, and income growth. In 2014, we started reporting findings from two special survey modules, on housing and credit access, fielded at annual and triannual frequency, respectively. In 2017, we introduced the SCE labor market module, followed in 2019 by the household spending and public policy modules, all fielded at a triannual frequency with series generally dating back to 2014 or 2015. Over the past ten years, we have also asked a wide range of special questions on timely topics (related, for instance, to the Affordable Care Act, CARES Act stimulus payments, and the 2022 spike in gasoline prices) and conducted survey field experiments to improve our understanding of how individuals form and update expectations, and how these in turn affect their behavior. 

A unique feature of our survey is the use of a probabilistic question format, which asks respondents to assess the “percent chance” of a given event happening. For outcomes that can take on a range of values (such as inflation or home prices), this involves asking respondents for their full subjective “density forecast”—that is, the probability they assign to, say, inflation falling into each of a pre-determined set of bins. We then measure uncertainty by the degree of dispersion in each individual’s density forecast. Our earlier work, in line with an extensive literature on the topic, has shown the feasibility and benefits of this format, yielding answers that capture beliefs in a way that is comparable across respondents. With respect to inflation expectations, another important aspect of the SCE is that it was designed to ask respondents their beliefs about the short (one year ahead) and medium (three years ahead) terms, with the latter measure capturing inflation expectations for the twelve-month period starting two years from today. 

Over time, the different components of the survey have proven to be highly valuable for monitoring and analyzing a wide range of consumer beliefs and behavior. In this post, we highlight two areas of focus since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic: expectations regarding inflation and wage growth. 

Inflation Expectations 

As shown in the chart below, for the first seven years of the SCE we saw little movement in inflation expectations and uncertainty at both the one- and three-year horizons. This all changed during the pandemic. The surge in actual inflation that started in spring 2021 was accompanied by a sharp rise in inflation expectations at the one-year horizon and, to a lesser extent, at the three-year horizon. This divergence between short- and medium-term inflation expectations sparked interest in the movements of longer-term expectations. For this reason, in January 2022 we began asking about inflation expectations at the five-year horizon as well.  

Median one-year-ahead inflation expectations reached a high of 6.8 percent in June 2022 and have since been trending downward, while median three-year-ahead inflation expectations showed a more muted increase, peaking at 4.2 percent in October 2021. The fact that three-year-ahead inflation expectations peaked lower and started to drop well before one-year-ahead inflation expectations was a clear indication that consumers anticipated that most of the rise in inflation would not persist. This finding was also reflected in the relative stability of median five-year-ahead inflation expectations and was consistent with experimental evidence collected at various points during 2021 indicating that longer-term inflation expectations remained well anchored during this period, as measured by their sensitivity to shocks in current inflation levels.  

While median inflation expectations are now essentially back to their pre-pandemic ranges, inflation uncertainty, which similarly displayed a substantial increase during 2020-21, has been slower to fall back to pre-COVID levels at all three horizons and remains somewhat elevated, with consumers continuing to assign a higher average likelihood to both deflation and to inflation above 4 percent. 

2021 Surge in Inflation Sparks Rise in Short-Term Inflation Expectations 

Source: New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations.
Note: The vertical line denotes the start of the pandemic. 

Labor Market Expectations 

Another component of our core monthly survey is the elicitation of labor market expectations, including expectations about on-the-job earnings growth and the perceived risks of layoff and quitting. Like inflation expectations, earnings growth expectations should affect consumers’ inter-temporal decisions (consuming now versus consuming later, for instance) and are therefore of great value for understanding and forecasting economic behavior.  

As shown in the lefthand panel of the chart below, median year-ahead earnings growth expectations were relatively stable at about 2.5 percent until the onset of the pandemic in the spring of 2020, when we saw a temporary drop, followed by a rise to about 3.0 percent by early 2022. When distinguishing respondents by their level of earnings, we observed a higher level and bigger increase in the median expected wage growth for respondents with above-median ($48,000) annual earnings. This contrasts with what actually happened, as earnings growth among workers with below-median annual earnings turned out to be larger between early 2021 and mid-2022. Since mid-2022, median expected earnings growth has been relatively stable at 3.0 percent, with a slight decline to 2.8 percent by the end of 2023. Also shown in the panel are the 25th and 75th percentiles of the distribution of earnings growth expectations across respondents. While the former has remained constant through the entire ten-year period at 1 percent, the latter shows largely parallel movements to those for the median.  

The righthand panel in the chart below shows a contrasting pattern for earnings growth uncertainty, which has remained relatively stable over the past ten years, only showing a gradual and persistent increase following the start of the pandemic. Today, wage growth uncertainty remains somewhat above pre-COVID levels. Our analysis shows that this is driven primarily by respondents who are below age 40 and those with an annual household income of less than $50,000.  

After an Initial Fall, Earnings Growth Expectations Rise during the Pandemic 

Source: New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations.
Note: The vertical line denotes the start of the pandemic. 

Finally, we examine trends in layoff and quit expectations, measured as the average percent chance a respondent assigns to the possibility of being laid off and to the possibility of quitting her or his job voluntarily. Average year-ahead layoff probabilities, shown in the chart below, declined somewhat during the mid-2010s, after which they stabilized in the 13.5-14.5 percent range. As the pandemic hit, average job loss probabilities initially surged to 21 percent, but then fell steadily to levels well below those that prevailed before the pandemic, reaching 10.4 percent in April 2022 and 13.4 percent in December 2023. Average quit probabilities instead dropped sharply at the onset of the recession, then rebounded to levels just below those that prevailed pre-pandemic. A comparison to the timing and magnitude of the jump in actual layoffs spotlights the unexpected nature of the pandemic-induced recession, showing that the surge in layoffs at the beginning of the pandemic was clearly unanticipated. Of similar interest is the relatively modest increase during the 2021-22 period in quit expectations, compared to the much larger “great resignation” wave recorded in the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. This suggests that many quits during this period appear to have been unplanned and spontaneous.   

Layoff Expectations Jump with the Onset of the Pandemic, then Steadily Decline 

Source: New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations.
Notes: The vertical line denotes the start of the pandemic. The solid red and blue lines show the three-month moving averages of the two series.  

Summing Up 

In this post, we analyzed the dynamics of inflation and labor market expectations to illustrate the breadth and depth of information collected in the SCE. Over the past decade, SCE data have yielded insights on a host of other topics, including changes in experiences and expectations regarding credit access, how people find jobs, why workers search for new jobs, expected and actual impacts of stimulus checks on spending, saving and debt paydown during the pandemic, how people view housing as an investment, polarization of beliefs around elections, use of buy-now-pay-later loans, and borrower expectations for the return of student loan repayment. An important aspect of the SCE is that we make our data accessible for free. In addition to informing the public, the media, and policymakers, these data releases have also been cited in more than 170 academic research papers that develop novel insights on a variety of topics. We are looking forward to the next decade of monthly SCE updates and path-breaking analyses. 

Olivier Armantier is the head of Consumer Behavior Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group. 

Photo: portrait of Gizem Kosar

Gizem Kosar is a research economist in Consumer Behavior Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

Giorgio Topa is an economic research advisor in Labor and Product Market Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

Photo: portrait of Wilbert Van der Klaauw

Wilbert van der Klaauw is the economic research advisor for Household and Public Policy Research in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

How to cite this post:
Olivier Armantier, Gizem Koşar, Giorgio Topa, and Wilbert van der Klaauw, “The Survey of Consumer Expectations: A Look Back at the Past Decade,” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Liberty Street Economics, April 16, 2024, https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2024/04/the-survey-of-consumer-expectations-a-look-back-at-the-past-decade/.


Disclaimer
The views expressed in this post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York or the Federal Reserve System. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the author(s).

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The Survey of Consumer Expectations: A Look Back at the Past Decade

It has been a little over ten years since we started releasing findings from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Survey of Consumer Expectations (SCE)….

It has been a little over ten years since we started releasing findings from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Survey of Consumer Expectations (SCE). In this post, we review some of the headline findings from the first decade of the survey’s history, highlighting the evolution of consumers’ expectations about inflation and labor market outcomes. 

A New Approach to Tracking Consumer Expectations 

The SCE is a nationally representative, internet-based monthly survey of a rotating panel of about 1,300 household heads in the United States. The survey collects timely, high-frequency information about consumer expectations for a broad range of macroeconomic and personal economic outcomes.  

The survey was the outcome of a six-year development project, the focus of which was to examine existing measures of inflation expectations and propose more quantitative alternative measures. In addition to inflation expectations, our objective was to capture consumers’ degree of uncertainty about future inflation and elicit their expectations about many other economic outcomes. This development and testing phase involved best-practice survey design approaches, including collaborations with renowned psychologists on cognitive interviews and follow-up surveys, and the pretesting of survey questions using randomized survey-based experiments. Another important design component of the SCE is its rotating panel structure—whereby each respondent stays in the panel for twelve months and a share of respondents rotate out of the panel each month, being replaced by new respondents. This design enables researchers to study how individual consumers revise their expectations over time. 

Over the past decade, the SCE has expanded considerably in scope. Each month, the “core” questionnaire elicits expectations from a stable panel of consumers on a broad variety of macroeconomic and personal topics, covering outcomes such as inflation, unemployment, home price changes, credit availability, individual wage growth, the likelihood of losing or finding a job, household spending, and income growth. In 2014, we started reporting findings from two special survey modules, on housing and credit access, fielded at annual and triannual frequency, respectively. In 2017, we introduced the SCE labor market module, followed in 2019 by the household spending and public policy modules, all fielded at a triannual frequency with series generally dating back to 2014 or 2015. Over the past ten years, we have also asked a wide range of special questions on timely topics (related, for instance, to the Affordable Care Act, CARES Act stimulus payments, and the 2022 spike in gasoline prices) and conducted survey field experiments to improve our understanding of how individuals form and update expectations, and how these in turn affect their behavior. 

A unique feature of our survey is the use of a probabilistic question format, which asks respondents to assess the “percent chance” of a given event happening. For outcomes that can take on a range of values (such as inflation or home prices), this involves asking respondents for their full subjective “density forecast”—that is, the probability they assign to, say, inflation falling into each of a pre-determined set of bins. We then measure uncertainty by the degree of dispersion in each individual’s density forecast. Our earlier work, in line with an extensive literature on the topic, has shown the feasibility and benefits of this format, yielding answers that capture beliefs in a way that is comparable across respondents. With respect to inflation expectations, another important aspect of the SCE is that it was designed to ask respondents their beliefs about the short (one year ahead) and medium (three years ahead) terms, with the latter measure capturing inflation expectations for the twelve-month period starting two years from today. 

Over time, the different components of the survey have proven to be highly valuable for monitoring and analyzing a wide range of consumer beliefs and behavior. In this post, we highlight two areas of focus since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic: expectations regarding inflation and wage growth. 

Inflation Expectations 

As shown in the chart below, for the first seven years of the SCE we saw little movement in inflation expectations and uncertainty at both the one- and three-year horizons. This all changed during the pandemic. The surge in actual inflation that started in spring 2021 was accompanied by a sharp rise in inflation expectations at the one-year horizon and, to a lesser extent, at the three-year horizon. This divergence between short- and medium-term inflation expectations sparked interest in the movements of longer-term expectations. For this reason, in January 2022 we began asking about inflation expectations at the five-year horizon as well.  

Median one-year-ahead inflation expectations reached a high of 6.8 percent in June 2022 and have since been trending downward, while median three-year-ahead inflation expectations showed a more muted increase, peaking at 4.2 percent in October 2021. The fact that three-year-ahead inflation expectations peaked lower and started to drop well before one-year-ahead inflation expectations was a clear indication that consumers anticipated that most of the rise in inflation would not persist. This finding was also reflected in the relative stability of median five-year-ahead inflation expectations and was consistent with experimental evidence collected at various points during 2021 indicating that longer-term inflation expectations remained well anchored during this period, as measured by their sensitivity to shocks in current inflation levels.  

While median inflation expectations are now essentially back to their pre-pandemic ranges, inflation uncertainty, which similarly displayed a substantial increase during 2020-21, has been slower to fall back to pre-COVID levels at all three horizons and remains somewhat elevated, with consumers continuing to assign a higher average likelihood to both deflation and to inflation above 4 percent. 

2021 Surge in Inflation Sparks Rise in Short-Term Inflation Expectations 

Source: New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations.
Note: The vertical line denotes the start of the pandemic. 

Labor Market Expectations 

Another component of our core monthly survey is the elicitation of labor market expectations, including expectations about on-the-job earnings growth and the perceived risks of layoff and quitting. Like inflation expectations, earnings growth expectations should affect consumers’ inter-temporal decisions (consuming now versus consuming later, for instance) and are therefore of great value for understanding and forecasting economic behavior.  

As shown in the lefthand panel of the chart below, median year-ahead earnings growth expectations were relatively stable at about 2.5 percent until the onset of the pandemic in the spring of 2020, when we saw a temporary drop, followed by a rise to about 3.0 percent by early 2022. When distinguishing respondents by their level of earnings, we observed a higher level and bigger increase in the median expected wage growth for respondents with above-median ($48,000) annual earnings. This contrasts with what actually happened, as earnings growth among workers with below-median annual earnings turned out to be larger between early 2021 and mid-2022. Since mid-2022, median expected earnings growth has been relatively stable at 3.0 percent, with a slight decline to 2.8 percent by the end of 2023. Also shown in the panel are the 25th and 75th percentiles of the distribution of earnings growth expectations across respondents. While the former has remained constant through the entire ten-year period at 1 percent, the latter shows largely parallel movements to those for the median.  

The righthand panel in the chart below shows a contrasting pattern for earnings growth uncertainty, which has remained relatively stable over the past ten years, only showing a gradual and persistent increase following the start of the pandemic. Today, wage growth uncertainty remains somewhat above pre-COVID levels. Our analysis shows that this is driven primarily by respondents who are below age 40 and those with an annual household income of less than $50,000.  

After an Initial Fall, Earnings Growth Expectations Rise during the Pandemic 

Source: New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations.
Note: The vertical line denotes the start of the pandemic. 

Finally, we examine trends in layoff and quit expectations, measured as the average percent chance a respondent assigns to the possibility of being laid off and to the possibility of quitting her or his job voluntarily. Average year-ahead layoff probabilities, shown in the chart below, declined somewhat during the mid-2010s, after which they stabilized in the 13.5-14.5 percent range. As the pandemic hit, average job loss probabilities initially surged to 21 percent, but then fell steadily to levels well below those that prevailed before the pandemic, reaching 10.4 percent in April 2022 and 13.4 percent in December 2023. Average quit probabilities instead dropped sharply at the onset of the recession, then rebounded to levels just below those that prevailed pre-pandemic. A comparison to the timing and magnitude of the jump in actual layoffs spotlights the unexpected nature of the pandemic-induced recession, showing that the surge in layoffs at the beginning of the pandemic was clearly unanticipated. Of similar interest is the relatively modest increase during the 2021-22 period in quit expectations, compared to the much larger “great resignation” wave recorded in the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. This suggests that many quits during this period appear to have been unplanned and spontaneous.   

Layoff Expectations Jump with the Onset of the Pandemic, then Steadily Decline 

Source: New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations.
Notes: The vertical line denotes the start of the pandemic. The solid red and blue lines show the three-month moving averages of the two series.  

Summing Up 

In this post, we analyzed the dynamics of inflation and labor market expectations to illustrate the breadth and depth of information collected in the SCE. Over the past decade, SCE data have yielded insights on a host of other topics, including changes in experiences and expectations regarding credit access, how people find jobs, why workers search for new jobs, expected and actual impacts of stimulus checks on spending, saving and debt paydown during the pandemic, how people view housing as an investment, polarization of beliefs around elections, use of buy-now-pay-later loans, and borrower expectations for the return of student loan repayment. An important aspect of the SCE is that we make our data accessible for free. In addition to informing the public, the media, and policymakers, these data releases have also been cited in more than 170 academic research papers that develop novel insights on a variety of topics. We are looking forward to the next decade of monthly SCE updates and path-breaking analyses. 

Olivier Armantier is the head of Consumer Behavior Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group. 

Photo: portrait of Gizem Kosar

Gizem Kosar is a research economist in Consumer Behavior Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

Giorgio Topa is an economic research advisor in Labor and Product Market Studies in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

Photo: portrait of Wilbert Van der Klaauw

Wilbert van der Klaauw is the economic research advisor for Household and Public Policy Research in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Research and Statistics Group.

How to cite this post:
Olivier Armantier, Gizem Koşar, Giorgio Topa, and Wilbert van der Klaauw, “The Survey of Consumer Expectations: A Look Back at the Past Decade,” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Liberty Street Economics, April 16, 2024, https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2024/04/the-survey-of-consumer-expectations-a-look-back-at-the-past-decade/.


Disclaimer
The views expressed in this post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York or the Federal Reserve System. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the author(s).

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