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Consumer Sentiment and Economic Recovery During Periods of Economic Relief Spending and Stimulus

During the COVID-19 pandemic, declining consumer confidence in the economy, which continued to contract as late as November and December of 2020, played a significant role in leading to the economic recession. Concerns about the health of the economy…

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During the COVID-19 pandemic, declining consumer confidence in the economy, which continued to contract as late as November and December of 2020, played a significant role in leading to the economic recession. Concerns about the health of the economy in the future can have drastic impacts on the economy today. 

When households are faced with the potential for looming wage cuts or layoffs, new income for those not living paycheck-to-paycheck may be saved for a rainy day rather than spent. This is known as “precautionary saving,” which occurred in many countries during the Great Recession. This higher propensity to save rather than consume can slow the path to economic recovery, and in some instances, they can deepen a recession, especially if the future is uncertain. 

At the same time, during times of crisis (e.g., bouts of high unemployment), households that face more significant financial strains often will increase their spending in order to meet their economic needs (e.g., paying for food and rent), boosting the fiscal multiplier, i.e., the effect of direct fiscal spending.

When Congress was debating the contents of the second Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, one of the most contentious items was the provision of an additional round of “stimulus checks” or economic security cash payments to individuals and households on the basis of their income. 

Congress was able to eventually negotiate a bipartisan bill, but the effort to appease deficit hawks came at the expense of larger stimulus payments. In the end, the bill included stimulus checks to the tune of $600, which began to taper off for individuals making more than $75,000 and phased out completely for individuals with incomes over $87,000. Heads of household earning less than $112,500 also qualified for $600, which phased out completely for those earning more than $124,500, and among married couples filing jointly, those earning up to $150,000 received $600 each, tapering out at an upper limit of $174,000.

This analysis uses data collected in two-week intervals between October 28, 2020 and May 10, 2021 by the US Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey. Our sample narrowed the survey down to include households and adults over 25 (born before 1996) across the United States. We analyze the changes in consumer sentiment — based on spending changes due to economic concerns or lack thereof — over the course of this period. This analysis particularly focuses on December 2020, when the second round of fiscal stimulus was passed (including $600 stimulus checks) as well as March 2021, when the American Recovery Plan (including $1,400 stimulus checks) was announced. The HPS Survey asks whether or not someone identifies as being “of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin.” For purposes of this analysis, those self-identifying as being of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin are identified as Hispanic in the results. 

Self-reported spending changes — likely spending decreases — due to economic concerns, dip in the weeks following the passage of economic stimulus bills, both at the end of December 2020 and in mid-March 2021. While there is insufficient data to demonstrate a causal relationship between the provision of stimulus checks and a change in concern-related spending changes, the data supports the argument that fiscal stimulus spending had a meaningful impact on economic sentiment among households and individuals. 

An effective economic recovery from the pandemic is dependent on the economic confidence of individuals and households. This analysis indicates that previous government support, in the forms of extended unemployment benefits, stimulus checks, and other fiscal spending, likely played a role in rebuilding Americans’ economic confidence.

Figure 1

Between the end of 2020 (December 19–21) and the beginning of 2021 (January 6–18), the percentage of households that reported a change in spending due to “concerns about the economy” fell across the board for all income groups, as seen in Figure 1, above. 

In part, shifting sentiments about the economy could be attributed to the transition to a Biden presidency. While the inauguration had not yet occurred during this decline in economic concerns, the new year signaled that health, economic, and policy changes were likely on the horizon — an indicator that helped assuage some people’s fears about a further receding economy. This time period also roughly coincided with the Food and Drug Administration’s emergency authorizations of the Pfizer and Moderna COVID-19 vaccines. 

Across the different income groups, households earning between $150,000 and $199,999 actually experienced the greatest decline in spending changes due to economic fears. In late December 2020, nearly 40.0 percent of households in this group changed spending due to economic concerns, but by the beginning of January, this number had fallen to 31.2 percent. 

In addition, this period between the end of December and the beginning of January coincided with the passage of the second round of economic security payments ($600 stimulus checks) as well as other economic protections including a continuation of supplemental unemployment benefits. 

The second largest decrease in spending during this time period was for households earning between $75,000 and $99,999, many of which directly benefited from stimulus payments. The proportion of households changing their spending habits due to economic concerns among this group fell from 43.9 percent to 36.6 percent between the end of December and the beginning of January for a 7.3 percentage point decrease.

Households earning less than $25,000 and between $25,000 and $34,999 reported declines of 6.2 and 4.3 percentage points, respectively, while households with incomes between $35,000 and $49,999 and between $50,000 and $74,999 experienced respective decreases of 6.8 and 4.6 percentage points during the same period. 

For these low- and middle-income households, fiscal stimulus spending — including direct cash payments to households and individuals, supplemental unemployment insurance, and assistance to renters  — helped buoy consumer sentiment, reassuring families that economic support would be provided, to some extent, by the government. These payments and programs, coupled with the promise of additional support, namely President Biden’s pledge of additional checks to the tune of $2,000 (or $1,400 payments in addition to the existing $600), helped assuage some of the economic concerns held by households. These $1,400 payments eventually arrived in March 2021. In doing so, such government relief packages convinced fewer households to change spending due to economic concerns. 

Meanwhile, households earning between $150,000 and $199,999 received stimulus payments at consistently lower rates than households with lower incomes, as seen in Figure 2. 

Figure 2

ReceiveEIP by Inc

In the first two weeks of January 2021, only 44.0 percent of these households reported receiving a stimulus check. As shown in Figure 3, households with incomes between $50,000 and $74,999 reported the highest rate (71.6 percent) of receiving the economic impact payments. Also, only 60.0 percent of lower-income households earning less than $25,000 received the payments, likely due to obstacles barring them from accessing the payments. Among these households, many were unable to access the checks due to a lack of stable housing or a permanent address, intermittent access to internet, and most importantly, many of these households were not required to file taxes in the prior year, which made it more difficult for them to receive the payments. 

Figure 3

PercSaveStim

Despite the lower rates of stimulus receival among households earning between $150,000 and $199,999, they experienced the largest decline in spending changes attributable to economic concerns, which can, in part, be explained by their increased ability to save.

Families with higher incomes are better able to weather the financial and economic effects of the COVID-19 recession, and they have more disposable income to save while still fulfilling their spending needs on food, housing, and other essential goods and services. Because of this, these households were better situated to save throughout 2020 in case of further economic downturn. 

Figure 4

Concern_bySpendingStim

In 2021, during the weeks between January 6–18, out of the households that received stimulus checks (up to $600), households with incomes between $150,000 through $199,999 reported the highest rates (34.4 percent) of saving the economic stimulus payments, compared to only 13.6 percent of households earning less than $25,000, as seen in Figure 4.

In addition, households with lower incomes may face credit constraints as well as economic barriers to saving, despite the possibility of job loss or wage cuts in the future. In other words, the sizable changes in the percentage of households adjusting spending due to economic concerns among families earning between $150,000 and $199,999 seen in Figure 1 is partially due to the flexibility with which they can choose to save or spend.

Figure 5

Concern_byReceiveStimmy

While it is not possible to wholly isolate the effect of stimulus payments alone, it is possible to assess the change in economic concerns for households that are using stimulus payments to meet their spending needs. 

Figure 5 shows that throughout the period from the end of October 2020 to the end of March 2021, the most drastic decline in household concerns about the economy came at the turn of the new year between the periods of December 9–21 and January 6–18, which coincides with the passage of the $600 stimulus checks. The proportion of households not using stimulus payments to meet spending needs that expressed concerns fell by 7.5 percentage points, from 39.0 percent to 31.5 percent. 

The decline among households that were using stimulus payments, however, was nearly double this amount. There was a 13.4 percentage point decrease (to 47.8 percent) in the percentage of stimulus-using households that reported economic concerns as a motivation for spending changes during this same period from between December 9–21 to between January 6–18 when the $600 checks were being sent out. 

While this measure is an imperfect estimator, it illustrates that households relying on the stimulus checks, on average, experience higher overall rates of economic concern. At the same time, they experienced a more substantial decline in economic concerns around the time the second stimulus checks were approved at the end of the year. 

Later in 2021, between the periods of March 3–15 and March 17–29, 6.3 percent of households (Figure 5) using stimulus payments to meet their spending needs reported a subsequent decrease in economic concerns, coinciding with the passage of the American Rescue Plan (ARP), which was signed on March 11, 2021, and the distribution of the $1,400 stimulus checks. During the same two periods, only 1.1 percent of households that were not using stimulus checks to meet their spending needs reported a change in spending due to economic concerns.

Like with the drastic changes around the new year, the March 2021 decline in economic concerns for families relying on stimulus payments likely is not attributable entirely to the effect of the $1,400 alone, but rather to a confluence of the various factors, including some components of the ARP such as support for state and local governments, extension of unemployment benefits, and additional rental and housing assistance. Nevertheless, it appears that vulnerable households — that is, those using stimulus payments — were noticeably convinced by the passage of the bill that “help was on the way.” 

Figure 6

ReceiveStimmy_byInc

Starting in 2021, the Household Pulse Survey began asking households directly about whether or not they received economic impact payments (EIP), also known as stimulus payments. As such, it is not possible to discern any change in percentage of households adjusting spending due to economic concerns from before the $600 stimulus checks went out (in the last week of December 2021 and early weeks of January 2021) and afterwards. 

It is, however, possible to look at the period in 2021 between the weeks of March 3–15 and March 17–29, in Figure 6, when the American Rescue Plan was passed and $1,400 checks began to be distributed. 

Between these two periods in March 2021 when the ARP was passed, the percentage of households that received the $1,400 payments reporting economic concern-related spending changes decreased by 2.5 percentage points (to 34.2 percent) compared to no change among households not receiving stimulus checks. 

Figure 7

Concern_byClass

Figure 7 shows that working-class individuals — represented as people who have not completed a Bachelor’s degree — reported a slightly larger decline (compared to non-working-class individuals) in economic concern-driven spending changes of 6.1 percentage points between the period of December 9–21 and the period of January 6–18 when the $600 checks were being sent out (among other provisions in the end-of-year stimulus package). People with at least a Bachelor’s degree experienced a 5.6 percentage point decrease during the same period. Working-class individuals also consistently reported receiving stimulus payments at higher rates compared to their non-working-class counterparts, most likely due to a higher rate of eligibility. 

That being said, a confluence of factors including the stimulus provisions — as well as the upcoming Biden inauguration and the FDA approval of vaccines — coincided with a significant dip in economic fears among both working-class and college educated people. 

Still, working-class people consistently reported economic concern-related spending changes at higher rates than college educated workers. From December 9–21, 46.4 percent of working-class people reported such spending changes as opposed to 39.5 percent of college educated individuals. 

In 2021, from April 28–May 10, there continued to be a 9.0 percentage point gap between college educated people (21.5 percent) and working-class people (30.5 percent) who cited economic concerns as a reason for their spending changes. This captures how, despite across-the-board declines in spending changes attributable to economic concerns, working-class individuals have felt (and continue to feel) the effects of the pandemic-induced recession more than their college educated counterparts. 

In part, this is attributable to the fact that working-class people are often afforded less economic and job security, for instance, in short-term gig work or hourly-based wage work. In addition, working-class individuals employed in the service industry — including hospitality, leisure, and retail sectors — have reduced access to jobs conducive to remote work. Because of this, these laborers often experienced the brunt of pandemic-related job cuts and layoffs. 

Figure 8

Concern_byWBHAO

As with income groupings, individuals grouped by race and ethnicity reported decreases across the board when it came to spending changes attributable to economic concerns between the end of December 2020 and the beginning of January 2021, as seen in Figure 8. In particular, the percentage of Black survey respondents who reported spending changes due to economic concerns fell by 9.1 percentage points from 46.4 percent to 37.3 percent, the largest effect among racial groups. The fraction of white individuals and Hispanic individuals fell by 6.0 and 5.0 percentage points, respectively. Asian respondents experienced the smallest change, a 1.8 percentage point decrease. 

Around the time of the American Rescue Plan in March 2021, many Americans similarly reported another, slightly smaller, decline in spending changes attributable to economic concerns. From the period in 2021 between March 3–15 to the period between March 17–29, the percentage of Black people who reported economic concerns fell 1.9 percentage points to 33.4 percent. White and Hispanic individuals experienced declines of 1.7 percentage points (to 31.7 percent), and 0.7 percentage points (to 42.1 percent)  During this period, Asian respondents were the only group to report a higher incidence of spending changes due to economic concerns, an increase of 1.8 percentage points to 40.3 percent. 

Figure 9

Concern_byWBHAO_Bar

In addition, white survey respondents consistently reported the lowest rates of spending changes related to economic concerns. Figure 9 reveals that during the weeks between April 28 and May 10, 25.3 percent of white respondents reported such changes followed by 27.4 percent of Black respondents. During the same period, Asian and Hispanicindividuals reported significantly higher rates of 32.0 percent and 34.1 percent, respectively. 

Figure 10

NLConcerned_byInc

In addition to reports of economic concern, measures of economic optimism are also important in signalling a successful path to recovery. In particular, Figure 10 compares the percentage of households reporting spending changes while citing that they are “no longer feeling concerned about the economy.” This, in itself, is a variable of change and a proxy for recovery, representing the proportion of people who are changing their spending habits — likely increased spending — due to mitigated concerns. 

Here, changes from period to period are significantly smaller compared to measures of economic concerns; this is likely attributable to the sentiment among many individuals and households that “we are out of the woods yet.” 

Optimism about the economy, however, seems to be concentrated in the echelons of higher income households. Roughly 5.8 percent of households earning more than $200,000 reported spending changes due to no longer being concerned about the economy during the weeks in 2021 between April 28 and May 10, compared to a rate of 1.5 percent in the same year during the period of January 6–18, a 4.3 percentage point increase. Similarly, 5.7 percent of families earning between $150,000 and $199,999 reported the same between April 28 and May 28, a 4.6 percentage point increase. 

Meanwhile, the proportion of households with incomes below $25,000 that reported such economic optimism grew by only 1.8 percentage points (to 2.3 percent). This change was only slightly greater for families earning between $25,000 and $34,999 and between $35,000 and $49,999, who experienced a rise of 2.0 (to 3.0 percent) and 2.2 (to 3.1 percent) percentage points, respectively. 

Low-income households have been and continue to be the most economically vulnerable to the effects of the pandemic-induced recession. Oftentimes, these households are made up of workers in low-paying hourly jobs, which provide less job security and fewer benefits, rather than higher-paying salaried jobs with benefits. In addition, they report higher rates of job loss and reduced hours. While growing demand for labor and improving vaccination rates have driven some optimism for a path to economic recovery in 2021, few households, especially those with lower incomes, report economic optimism as a motivator behind spending changes.

Figure 11

NLConcerned_byWBHAO

Similar to income group categorizations, stratifications on the basis of race and ethnicity in Figure 11 also show that gains in spending changes due to economic optimism is largely concentrated among white and Asian respondents. By the weeks of April 28 through May 10, 4.0 percent and 4.3 percent of white and Asian respondents, respectively, reported changing their spending due to no longer being concerned about the economy. Meanwhile, Black and Hispanic individuals reported such changes at lower rates of 2.4 percent and 2.8 percent, respectively. 

While there is some evidence of a “U-shaped” recovery, the effects seem to largely be among high-income households as well as white and Asian people. Meanwhile, the proportion of  low-income households, Black people, and Hispanic people reporting any spending changes due to mitigated economic concerns seems largely consistent with levels in October and November 2020, prior to Biden’s election and the provision of a viable COVID-19 vaccine. 

Moving ahead, an equitable recovery requires addressing the economic concerns of all Americans, especially families and individuals that have been most drastically harmed by the effects of the pandemic and its subsequent recession. A successful recovery is not one that solely benefits high-income households and white individuals. Rather, a successful recovery is an equitable, fair recovery.

Acknowledgements: The author thanks Hayley Brown, Simran Kalkat, and Sarah Rawlins for contributing to research, analysis, and data visualization.

The post Consumer Sentiment and Economic Recovery During Periods of Economic Relief Spending and Stimulus appeared first on Center for Economic and Policy Research.

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Survey Shows Declining Concerns Among Americans About COVID-19

Survey Shows Declining Concerns Among Americans About COVID-19

A new survey reveals that only 20% of Americans view covid-19 as "a major threat"…

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Survey Shows Declining Concerns Among Americans About COVID-19

A new survey reveals that only 20% of Americans view covid-19 as "a major threat" to the health of the US population - a sharp decline from a high of 67% in July 2020.

(SARMDY/Shutterstock)

What's more, the Pew Research Center survey conducted from Feb. 7 to Feb. 11 showed that just 10% of Americans are concerned that they will  catch the disease and require hospitalization.

"This data represents a low ebb of public concern about the virus that reached its height in the summer and fall of 2020, when as many as two-thirds of Americans viewed COVID-19 as a major threat to public health," reads the report, which was published March 7.

According to the survey, half of the participants understand the significance of researchers and healthcare providers in understanding and treating long COVID - however 27% of participants consider this issue less important, while 22% of Americans are unaware of long COVID.

What's more, while Democrats were far more worried than Republicans in the past, that gap has narrowed significantly.

"In the pandemic’s first year, Democrats were routinely about 40 points more likely than Republicans to view the coronavirus as a major threat to the health of the U.S. population. This gap has waned as overall levels of concern have fallen," reads the report.

More via the Epoch Times;

The survey found that three in ten Democrats under 50 have received an updated COVID-19 vaccine, compared with 66 percent of Democrats ages 65 and older.

Moreover, 66 percent of Democrats ages 65 and older have received the updated COVID-19 vaccine, while only 24 percent of Republicans ages 65 and older have done so.

“This 42-point partisan gap is much wider now than at other points since the start of the outbreak. For instance, in August 2021, 93 percent of older Democrats and 78 percent of older Republicans said they had received all the shots needed to be fully vaccinated (a 15-point gap),” it noted.

COVID-19 No Longer an Emergency

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently issued its updated recommendations for the virus, which no longer require people to stay home for five days after testing positive for COVID-19.

The updated guidance recommends that people who contracted a respiratory virus stay home, and they can resume normal activities when their symptoms improve overall and their fever subsides for 24 hours without medication.

“We still must use the commonsense solutions we know work to protect ourselves and others from serious illness from respiratory viruses, this includes vaccination, treatment, and staying home when we get sick,” CDC director Dr. Mandy Cohen said in a statement.

The CDC said that while the virus remains a threat, it is now less likely to cause severe illness because of widespread immunity and improved tools to prevent and treat the disease.

Importantly, states and countries that have already adjusted recommended isolation times have not seen increased hospitalizations or deaths related to COVID-19,” it stated.

The federal government suspended its free at-home COVID-19 test program on March 8, according to a website set up by the government, following a decrease in COVID-19-related hospitalizations.

According to the CDC, hospitalization rates for COVID-19 and influenza diseases remain “elevated” but are decreasing in some parts of the United States.

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 22:45

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Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run – Musk Says “I Would Support”

Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run – Musk Says "I Would Support"

Republican Kentucky Senator Rand Paul on Friday hinted that he may jump…

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Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run - Musk Says "I Would Support"

Republican Kentucky Senator Rand Paul on Friday hinted that he may jump into the race to become the next Senate GOP leader, and Elon Musk was quick to support the idea. Republicans must find a successor for periodically malfunctioning Mitch McConnell, who recently announced he'll step down in November, though intending to keep his Senate seat until his term ends in January 2027, when he'd be within weeks of turning 86. 

So far, the announced field consists of two quintessential establishment types: John Cornyn of Texas and John Thune of South Dakota. While John Barrasso's name had been thrown around as one of "The Three Johns" considered top contenders, the Wyoming senator on Tuesday said he'll instead seek the number two slot as party whip. 

Paul used X to tease his potential bid for the position which -- if the GOP takes back the upper chamber in November -- could graduate from Minority Leader to Majority Leader. He started by telling his 5.1 million followers he'd had lots of people asking him about his interest in running...

...then followed up with a poll in which he predictably annihilated Cornyn and Thune, taking a 96% share as of Friday night, with the other two below 2% each. 

Elon Musk was quick to back the idea of Paul as GOP leader, while daring Cornyn and Thune to follow Paul's lead by throwing their names out for consideration by the Twitter-verse X-verse. 

Paul has been a stalwart opponent of security-state mass surveillance, foreign interventionism -- to include shoveling billions of dollars into the proxy war in Ukraine -- and out-of-control spending in general. He demonstrated the latter passion on the Senate floor this week as he ridiculed the latest kick-the-can spending package:   

In February, Paul used Senate rules to force his colleagues into a grueling Super Bowl weekend of votes, as he worked to derail a $95 billion foreign aid bill. "I think we should stay here as long as it takes,” said Paul. “If it takes a week or a month, I’ll force them to stay here to discuss why they think the border of Ukraine is more important than the US border.”

Don't expect a Majority Leader Paul to ditch the filibuster -- he's been a hardy user of the legislative delay tactic. In 2013, he spoke for 13 hours to fight the nomination of John Brennan as CIA director. In 2015, he orated for 10-and-a-half-hours to oppose extension of the Patriot Act

Rand Paul amid his 10 1/2 hour filibuster in 2015

Among the general public, Paul is probably best known as Capitol Hill's chief tormentor of Dr. Anthony Fauci, who was director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease during the Covid-19 pandemic. Paul says the evidence indicates the virus emerged from China's Wuhan Institute of Virology. He's accused Fauci and other members of the US government public health apparatus of evading questions about their funding of the Chinese lab's "gain of function" research, which takes natural viruses and morphs them into something more dangerous. Paul has pointedly said that Fauci committed perjury in congressional hearings and that he belongs in jail "without question."   

Musk is neither the only nor the first noteworthy figure to back Paul for party leader. Just hours after McConnell announced his upcoming step-down from leadership, independent 2024 presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy, Jr voiced his support: 

In a testament to the extent to which the establishment recoils at the libertarian-minded Paul, mainstream media outlets -- which have been quick to report on other developments in the majority leader race -- pretended not to notice that Paul had signaled his interest in the job. More than 24 hours after Paul's test-the-waters tweet-fest began, not a single major outlet had brought it to the attention of their audience. 

That may be his strongest endorsement yet. 

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 20:25

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The Great Replacement Loophole: Illegal Immigrants Score 5-Year Work Benefit While “Waiting” For Deporation, Asylum

The Great Replacement Loophole: Illegal Immigrants Score 5-Year Work Benefit While "Waiting" For Deporation, Asylum

Over the past several…

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The Great Replacement Loophole: Illegal Immigrants Score 5-Year Work Benefit While "Waiting" For Deporation, Asylum

Over the past several months we've pointed out that there has  been zero job creation for native-born workers since the summer of 2018...

... and that since Joe Biden was sworn into office, most of the post-pandemic job gains the administration continuously brags about have gone foreign-born (read immigrants, mostly illegal ones) workers.

And while the left might find this data almost as verboten as FBI crime statistics - as it directly supports the so-called "great replacement theory" we're not supposed to discuss - it also coincides with record numbers of illegal crossings into the United States under Biden.

In short, the Biden administration opened the floodgates, 10 million illegal immigrants poured into the country, and most of the post-pandemic "jobs recovery" went to foreign-born workers, of which illegal immigrants represent the largest chunk.

Asylum seekers from Venezuela await work permits on June 28, 2023 (via the Chicago Tribune)

'But Tyler, illegal immigrants can't possibly work in the United States whilst awaiting their asylum hearings,' one might hear from the peanut gallery. On the contrary: ever since Biden reversed a key aspect of Trump's labor policies, all illegal immigrants - even those awaiting deportation proceedings - have been given carte blanche to work while awaiting said proceedings for up to five years...

... something which even Elon Musk was shocked to learn.

Which leads us to another question: recall that the primary concern for the Biden admin for much of 2022 and 2023 was soaring prices, i.e., relentless inflation in general, and rising wages in particular, which in turn prompted even Goldman to admit two years ago that the diabolical wage-price spiral had been unleashed in the US (diabolical, because nothing absent a major economic shock, read recession or depression, can short-circuit it once it is in place).

Well, there is one other thing that can break the wage-price spiral loop: a flood of ultra-cheap illegal immigrant workers. But don't take our word for it: here is Fed Chair Jerome Powell himself during his February 60 Minutes interview:

PELLEY: Why was immigration important?

POWELL: Because, you know, immigrants come in, and they tend to work at a rate that is at or above that for non-immigrants. Immigrants who come to the country tend to be in the workforce at a slightly higher level than native Americans do. But that's largely because of the age difference. They tend to skew younger.

PELLEY: Why is immigration so important to the economy?

POWELL: Well, first of all, immigration policy is not the Fed's job. The immigration policy of the United States is really important and really much under discussion right now, and that's none of our business. We don't set immigration policy. We don't comment on it.

I will say, over time, though, the U.S. economy has benefited from immigration. And, frankly, just in the last, year a big part of the story of the labor market coming back into better balance is immigration returning to levels that were more typical of the pre-pandemic era.

PELLEY: The country needed the workers.

POWELL: It did. And so, that's what's been happening.

Translation: Immigrants work hard, and Americans are lazy. But much more importantly, since illegal immigrants will work for any pay, and since Biden's Department of Homeland Security, via its Citizenship and Immigration Services Agency, has made it so illegal immigrants can work in the US perfectly legally for up to 5 years (if not more), one can argue that the flood of illegals through the southern border has been the primary reason why inflation - or rather mostly wage inflation, that all too critical component of the wage-price spiral  - has moderated in in the past year, when the US labor market suddenly found itself flooded with millions of perfectly eligible workers, who just also happen to be illegal immigrants and thus have zero wage bargaining options.

None of this is to suggest that the relentless flood of immigrants into the US is not also driven by voting and census concerns - something Elon Musk has been pounding the table on in recent weeks, and has gone so far to call it "the biggest corruption of American democracy in the 21st century", but in retrospect, one can also argue that the only modest success the Biden admin has had in the past year - namely bringing inflation down from a torrid 9% annual rate to "only" 3% - has also been due to the millions of illegals he's imported into the country.

We would be remiss if we didn't also note that this so often carries catastrophic short-term consequences for the social fabric of the country (the Laken Riley fiasco being only the latest example), not to mention the far more dire long-term consequences for the future of the US - chief among them the trillions of dollars in debt the US will need to incur to pay for all those new illegal immigrants Democrat voters and low-paid workers. This is on top of the labor revolution that will kick in once AI leads to mass layoffs among high-paying, white-collar jobs, after which all those newly laid off native-born workers hoping to trade down to lower paying (if available) jobs will discover that hardened criminals from Honduras or Guatemala have already taken them, all thanks to Joe Biden.

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 19:15

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