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Obesity, Alzheimer’s Drugs to Drive Sales as Patent Cliff Concerns Ebb

According to Morningstar’s recently-released Biopharma Pipeline Report, the biopharma industry can anticipate a healthy 4.5% in compound annual earnings…

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Karen Andersen, CFA, Morningstar senior strategist, biotechnology

By Alex Philippidis

The largest biopharmas are succeeding in overcoming the so-called patent cliff of sharply reduced future sales as existing blockbuster drugs lose patent protection—at least over the next five years, a report by Morningstar concludes.

As a result, according to the firm’s recently-released Biopharma Pipeline Report, the biopharma industry can anticipate a healthy 4.5% in compound annual earnings growth over the next five years—excluding COVID-19 products, which would lower the estimate to 3.3%, since their sales have sharply fallen from 2021–22 pandemic highs.

COVID vaccines and drugs are a potential headwind to revenue growth through 2027, says Morningstar. The report says the market “still struggles to take a long-term view on the potential of mRNA technology,” without addressing political opposition to vaccination policy, and steady if anecdotal reports of side effects linked to COVID vaccines.

Other potential hurdles cited in the report include scrutiny of large mergers-and-acquisition (M&A) deals by regulators such as the U.S. Federal Trade Commission (FTC); and the Inflation Reduction Act, which implements prices negotiated with Medicare 13 years after approval of biologics, but only nine years for small molecule drugs.

On the brighter side, the report foresees stellar short-term growth as leading diabetes drugs have expanded or are being expanded into obesity indications, as well as positive growth for Alzheimer’s drugs either marketed or expected to be soon.

Morningstar projects that two companies—Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly—will maintain a combined roughly 75% share through 2032 of the obesity market, projected at $65 billion in 2031, before the expiration of Novo’s semaglutide patent in 2032. That will be driven by Novo’s Wegovy® (semaglutide), projected to earn $12.5 billion in 2027; and Lilly’s Mounjaro® (tirzepatide), pegged even higher at $21.2 billion in 2027. Also expected to generate significant sales in ’27 are pipeline candidates like Novo’s cagrisema at DKK 18.6 billion ($2.6 billion) and Lilly’s retatrutide at $514 million.

However, pipeline candidates at Amgen (AMG 133, set to release Phase II data next year) and Pfizer (whose danuglipron is set to enter Phase III in 2024) could chip away at the leaders. One key competitive avenue would be price: Wegovy carries a list price of $17,600: “We expect net pricing globally to fall closer to $3,000 annually in the long run,” the report predicts.

In Alzheimer’s disease, Morningstar projects 2027 annual sales of $4.877 billion for Lilly’s donanemab, which is under FDA and European Medicines Agency review with action expected by year’s end. Next-highest in sales, Eisai and Biogen are expected to rack up a combined $4 billion from Leqembi® (lecanemab), with Biogen forecast to reap a $700-million share of profits. Leqembi won full FDA approval in July, seven months after obtaining accelerated approval.

The report also names five biopharma giants as being undervalued given their reduced stock prices since the bull market ended in 2021—Bayer, Gilead, GlaxoSmithKline (GSK), Pfizer, and Roche.

Karen Andersen, CFA, Morningstar senior strategist, biotechnology, and lead analyst for the Biopharma Pipeline Report, recently discussed the report’s findings and the broader successes and challenges faced by the biopharma industry, with GEN Edge:

GEN Edge: The report observed that large drug developers are surmounting patent cliff losses of exclusivity over the next five years with both recently approved drugs and pipeline candidates. What happens after 2027?

Andersen: We did an industry landscape report earlier this year, where we talked about the expectation for a big year of patent losses in 2028. 2028 looks concerning because you have some big-name drugs like [Merck & Co.]  Keytruda® (pembrolizumab), and then [Bristol Myers Squibb’s] Eliquis® (apixaban) and some of the cardiovascular drugs that are going off patent.

That’s something that a lot of companies are preparing for now, so that they have time to finish bringing any acquired pipeline candidates through trials and get them launched and get them having meaningful sales by that point.

GEN Edge: How much does this slow down M&A activity, despite the FTC agreeing to allow Amgen-Horizon?

Andersen: I think that there are enough companies with significant cash and trying to adjust their pipeline strategies for some of the headwinds we’re seeing, like the Inflation Reduction Act [IRA], that that there’s still a lot of motivation for adding to their internal pipelines.

In terms of the fears about the FTC and all the scrutiny on potential large M&A deals, the fact that it looks like the Amgen-Horizon deal has now been blessed is a good sign for future deals getting through. But it needs to be clear to regulators that this isn’t going to turn into a situation where the acquiring company then can abuse their power to bundle these products and protect from other competitors who are launching potentially gaining any market share. That’s something Amgen promised that they wouldn’t do.

I think that probably other acquiring companies are going to have to do something similar. So, they may be a little bit more constrained on what they can do in terms of their pricing leverage from deals. But definitely, I would say, the door still looks very open to doing deals that bring in just new pipeline products that look innovative and could support growth.

GEN Edge: Does Amgen-Horizon signify that the FTC is rethinking its strategy of challenging big-dollar M&A as it did with Illumina-Grail, and more recently Pfizer-Seagen, where the FTC made a second request for data?

Andersen: There’s definitely been a big push to examine these deals and push back. If you look at Amgen-Horizon, that was probably an overreach… I do think that they’re still watching. But I think that reasonable deals—where there’s not huge overlap in therapeutic areas, when you’re not creating some new monopoly in a certain indication—would be likely to get through.

GEN Edge: In the report, the categories of drugs that are expected to grow sales differs between recently approved drugs—where the categories were obesity diabetes, immunology—but if you look at the pipeline candidates, you’re looking at neurology, obesity but also rare disease and diabetes. Is there any trend behind that difference?

Andersen: Yes, that’s interesting. I would take away that areas like obesity and diabetes, and anything that’s related to cardiometabolic, are big, both for approved drugs and pipeline drugs. Neurology is an area where that’s definitely being driven by first, Alzheimer’s drugs getting approved, and then a more increased focus on some pipeline programs—like BIIB080, the tau program Biogen has with Ionis [Pharmaceuticals]. I think that that’s bringing neurology more into focus.

Rare diseases is also an area of increasing focus. And honestly, potentially going further out, immunology, I think, could be really interesting areas for companies to continue to focus on. I think the IRA really further solidifies that.

Oncology could become just a little bit more difficult, because that’s an area where the population can be much more Medicare heavy, thus having to deal with price negotiation. Also, companies will probably try to refocus more on biologics rather than small molecules so they get longer protection.

GEN Edge: In Alzheimer’s, the report pegs Lilly’s donanemab as potentially generating the biggest sales by 2027, followed by Biogen/Eisai’s Leqembi. What effect will other Alzheimer’s drugs in the pipeline have on those sales?

Andersen: [Donanemab and Leqembi] are going to have a chance at seeing significant sales over the next several years. I think that what makes it difficult to size the rest of the market right now is, Leqembi is not seeing significant sales this year. They’re probably not going to see very significant sales next year. But starting at 2025 is when we could start to see much more significant sales.

By then, we’ll see improvement in getting patients diagnosed because it will be easier for them to be diagnosed and treated—like blood-based tests instead of having to go in and get a spinal tap or getting additional imaging done initially. Or, like having a subcutaneous product that can be administered maybe at home rather than having a patient come into a busy infusion center that may not be easy to get to, and might be harder to schedule appointments. That’s all going to get ironed out, but it’s going to take a little bit of time. Once it does, I think, these are going to be very popular medicines.

I’d say it’s a pretty full pipeline right now in terms of things that are in clinical development, and that covers the amyloid targeting products and the tau targeting products. And then, things like Novo Nordisk’s semaglutide, which maybe can do everything. We’ll see.

GEN Edge: In diabetes, Ozempic® (semaglutide) and Mounjaro® were listed as among drugs most likely to grow sales. Both have been slapped with label updates because of some cases of potential blocked intestine side effects, which have also been reported with Wegovy®. How much will that dent their sales?

Andersen: There’s investigations and reviews about suicidal thoughts in patients taking these drugs. I know that these drugs in general, particularly Ozempic, have been used for years in diabetes with a solid safety profile. The problem is now that with obesity, we’re seeing many, many more patients taking these drugs, so it’s an opportunity for any potential side effects to emerge. As long as the side effects remain rare, and there’s nothing that’s unexplained and causing lethal side effects, I think that there’s still going to be very strong demand given the extremely high efficacy for these drugs.

GEN Edge: Speaking of obesity drugs, how much is that category expected to keep growing over the next few years? And how dependent is that growth long-term on celebrities and social media publicity?

Andersen: We’ve modeled $65 billion in global obesity drug sales in 2031. I think that that’s going to continue to be dominated by Novo Nordisk and Lilly. We assume that pricing will fall fairly substantially from the list price that we have right now in the U.S. for drugs like Wegovy. We also assume there could be some competition that might be driving that that price decline.

One of the big questions I have is, how long are patients going to actually stay on therapy? The companies have been talking a lot about how patients need to take these chronically, or else they’re at a very high risk of regaining weight. But practically speaking, given the price that they’re at and given some of the more annoying side effects—things like nausea and just gastrointestinal issues—it’s hard to imagine everyone staying on therapy for the rest of their lives once they’ve lost the weight.

The companies do need to work on a strategy for maybe reducing dose, taking drug less frequently, or something in a maintenance category that becomes something that patients can live with in order to maintain that weight loss. In our forecast, we’re actually just assuming that patients do stay on therapy chronically. But we’ve kept the market penetration a little bit lower. So, if patients do end up going off therapy, I think there’s still plenty of room to reach our forecast of $65 billion.

GEN Edge: Looking at vaccines, how much is vaccine growth going to be driven by newer versions of the COVID shots like the ones just got approved a couple of weeks ago?

Andersen: That’s interesting. We hadn’t mapped [COVID shots] in the pipeline, as those were already approved. What we’re referring to in vaccines is more the new RSV products that we’ve got that could be driving growth over the next few years.

We are still above consensus longer term on demand for COVID vaccines. We’d all agree that 2023 is going to be a huge drop-off compared to what we saw in 2021 and ’22, but I think that there is significant demand, especially among older individuals, high-risk individuals, younger people who just don’t feel like getting COVID. It’s not going to be 75% of the population. It’s going to be something more along the lines of 25% of the population might go in and get and get a shot, which is a lot less than the flu shot, which is about 50%, so I think that revenues from the COVID vaccine for companies like Pfizer and Moderna could stay relatively steady once we get down to this lower, steady state in 2023 and 2024.

GEN Edge: You mentioned the Inflation Reduction Act, about which the report says biopharma companies appear overly concerned. How is their concern excessive?

Andersen: I think that the goal of the Medicare negotiation was really more about trying to basically stop the bad actors who have had extremely long patent protection for their products because of the patent evergreen system. So, it’s looking at products that have been on the market already for a significant amount of time, and essentially forcing a price cut at a time when maybe there should have been generic competition to begin with.

I’d argue that maybe for the small molecules, maybe a [seven-year exemption from price negotiations], that’s a bit on the short side. I think for biologics, [the exemption period] is pretty generous, having 13 years exclusivity seems like a reasonable number. But when you look at the list, if you look at the list for 2026, most of these products were going to be going off patent that year or the following year. So, if you’re someone who cares about just the long-term value these companies can generate, it’s typically not as big a concern as I think that the market had been thinking.

GEN Edge: When some in industry argue that the Inflation Reduction Act opens the door for European-style price controls on new drugs, you don’t agree?

Andersen: No, I’m not sure I see that much of a connection there. I know that historically, the U.S. has been the country that has essentially funded innovation globally, because we have such premium price products. I think that will stay that way. There’s nothing in the IRA that prevents companies from charging a high price for a new drug, and we still don’t have any kind of price control on that. This is more about making sure that that older drugs, the revenues and the profits that companies are getting from older drugs, do trail off. And I think that that’s going to be frustrating.

In some respects, companies are going have to rework their pipelines. Maybe a little bit less focus on some small molecules in some areas. Maybe launching in the bigger markets first rather than starting with smaller markets and working your way up. So there’s going to be some changes and some odd strategies. But the main word we used in the report was manageable. It looks like a very manageable hit for the industry.

GEN Edge: You mentioned oncology might see somewhat less activity if companies wish to avoid price negotiations given the age of patients. Are there other indications like that?

Andersen: Possibly some neurological indications; Alzheimer’s is by far the biggest one that I know of in terms of exposure to Medicare. The opposite side of that argument is the fact that there’s so much innovation, and there’s so much room for new entrants to come in that I don’t think that’s something that would be discouraging, especially since now we’re seeing Leqembi and donanemab probably launching—both of them biologic therapies. So we’re likely to see pretty lengthy protection, regardless of future Medicare negotiation.

GEN Edge: Looking ahead, what key headwinds and tailwinds are most likely to affect how biopharma companies perform the rest of this year and into 2024?

Andersen: Headwinds, a lot of interest is going to be tied around what happens with M&A. If we do start to see companies more encouraged by what’s happened with Amgen and Horizon and start to see more deals done, I think that that’s going to be more positive for the industry. Most of the companies in this report, anyway, are in a safe position in terms of financial health. So I don’t see as many concerns.

For some of the smaller biotechs that need funding, there’s a little bit more concern about interest rates. A lot of these companies are already sitting on a lot of cash, so they’re in a really good position to keep adding to their pipelines.

I’d also say, watching the IRA further roll out. I think we’re going to get more insight into exactly how much a lot of these drugs are going to be discounted. And once they’re negotiated, we’re going to see all the changes to Medicare Part D be rolled out, like the price and out-of-pocket caps for patients. Seeing how that in ends up affecting demand for pharmaceuticals, I think that’s going to be really interesting, too. And that’s all happening in the next couple of years, by 2025.

Alex Philippidis is Senior Business Editor of GEN.

The post Obesity, Alzheimer’s Drugs to Drive Sales as Patent Cliff Concerns Ebb appeared first on GEN - Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology News.

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Chinese migration to US is nothing new – but the reasons for recent surge at Southern border are

A gloomier economic outlook in China and tightening state control have combined with the influence of social media in encouraging migration.

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Chinese migrants wait for a boat after having walked across the Darien Gap from Colombia to Panama. AP Photo/Natacha Pisarenko

The brief closure of the Darien Gap – a perilous 66-mile jungle journey linking South American and Central America – in February 2024 temporarily halted one of the Western Hemisphere’s busiest migration routes. It also highlighted its importance to a small but growing group of people that depend on that pass to make it to the U.S.: Chinese migrants.

While a record 2.5 million migrants were detained at the United States’ southwestern land border in 2023, only about 37,000 were from China.

I’m a scholar of migration and China. What I find most remarkable in these figures is the speed with which the number of Chinese migrants is growing. Nearly 10 times as many Chinese migrants crossed the southern border in 2023 as in 2022. In December 2023 alone, U.S. Border Patrol officials reported encounters with about 6,000 Chinese migrants, in contrast to the 900 they reported a year earlier in December 2022.

The dramatic uptick is the result of a confluence of factors that range from a slowing Chinese economy and tightening political control by President Xi Jinping to the easy access to online information on Chinese social media about how to make the trip.

Middle-class migrants

Journalists reporting from the border have generalized that Chinese migrants come largely from the self-employed middle class. They are not rich enough to use education or work opportunities as a means of entry, but they can afford to fly across the world.

According to a report from Reuters, in many cases those attempting to make the crossing are small-business owners who saw irreparable damage to their primary or sole source of income due to China’s “zero COVID” policies. The migrants are women, men and, in some cases, children accompanying parents from all over China.

Chinese nationals have long made the journey to the United States seeking economic opportunity or political freedom. Based on recent media interviews with migrants coming by way of South America and the U.S.’s southern border, the increase in numbers seems driven by two factors.

First, the most common path for immigration for Chinese nationals is through a student visa or H1-B visa for skilled workers. But travel restrictions during the early months of the pandemic temporarily stalled migration from China. Immigrant visas are out of reach for many Chinese nationals without family or vocation-based preferences, and tourist visas require a personal interview with a U.S. consulate to gauge the likelihood of the traveler returning to China.

Social media tutorials

Second, with the legal routes for immigration difficult to follow, social media accounts have outlined alternatives for Chinese who feel an urgent need to emigrate. Accounts on Douyin, the TikTok clone available in mainland China, document locations open for visa-free travel by Chinese passport holders. On TikTok itself, migrants could find information on where to cross the border, as well as information about transportation and smugglers, commonly known as “snakeheads,” who are experienced with bringing migrants on the journey north.

With virtual private networks, immigrants can also gather information from U.S. apps such as X, YouTube, Facebook and other sites that are otherwise blocked by Chinese censors.

Inspired by social media posts that both offer practical guides and celebrate the journey, thousands of Chinese migrants have been flying to Ecuador, which allows visa-free travel for Chinese citizens, and then making their way over land to the U.S.-Mexican border.

This journey involves trekking through the Darien Gap, which despite its notoriety as a dangerous crossing has become an increasingly common route for migrants from Venezuela, Colombia and all over the world.

In addition to information about crossing the Darien Gap, these social media posts highlight the best places to cross the border. This has led to a large share of Chinese asylum seekers following the same path to Mexico’s Baja California to cross the border near San Diego.

Chinese migration to US is nothing new

The rapid increase in numbers and the ease of accessing information via social media on their smartphones are new innovations. But there is a longer history of Chinese migration to the U.S. over the southern border – and at the hands of smugglers.

From 1882 to 1943, the United States banned all immigration by male Chinese laborers and most Chinese women. A combination of economic competition and racist concerns about Chinese culture and assimilability ensured that the Chinese would be the first ethnic group to enter the United States illegally.

With legal options for arrival eliminated, some Chinese migrants took advantage of the relative ease of movement between the U.S. and Mexico during those years. While some migrants adopted Mexican names and spoke enough Spanish to pass as migrant workers, others used borrowed identities or paperwork from Chinese people with a right of entry, like U.S.-born citizens. Similarly to what we are seeing today, it was middle- and working-class Chinese who more frequently turned to illegal means. Those with money and education were able to circumvent the law by arriving as students or members of the merchant class, both exceptions to the exclusion law.

Though these Chinese exclusion laws officially ended in 1943, restrictions on migration from Asia continued until Congress revised U.S. immigration law in the Hart-Celler Act in 1965. New priorities for immigrant visas that stressed vocational skills as well as family reunification, alongside then Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s policies of “reform and opening,” helped many Chinese migrants make their way legally to the U.S. in the 1980s and 1990s.

Even after the restrictive immigration laws ended, Chinese migrants without the education or family connections often needed for U.S. visas continued to take dangerous routes with the help of “snakeheads.”

One notorious incident occurred in 1993, when a ship called the Golden Venture ran aground near New York, resulting in the drowning deaths of 10 Chinese migrants and the arrest and conviction of the snakeheads attempting to smuggle hundreds of Chinese migrants into the United States.

Existing tensions

Though there is plenty of precedent for Chinese migrants arriving without documentation, Chinese asylum seekers have better odds of success than many of the other migrants making the dangerous journey north.

An estimated 55% of Chinese asylum seekers are successful in making their claims, often citing political oppression and lack of religious freedom in China as motivations. By contrast, only 29% of Venezuelans seeking asylum in the U.S. have their claim granted, and the number is even lower for Colombians, at 19%.

The new halt on the migratory highway from the south has affected thousands of new migrants seeking refuge in the U.S. But the mix of push factors from their home country and encouragement on social media means that Chinese migrants will continue to seek routes to America.

And with both migration and the perceived threat from China likely to be features of the upcoming U.S. election, there is a risk that increased Chinese migration could become politicized, leaning further into existing tensions between Washington and Beijing.

Meredith Oyen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Is the National Guard a solution to school violence?

School board members in one Massachusetts district have called for the National Guard to address student misbehavior. Does their request have merit? A…

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Every now and then, an elected official will suggest bringing in the National Guard to deal with violence that seems out of control.

A city council member in Washington suggested doing so in 2023 to combat the city’s rising violence. So did a Pennsylvania representative concerned about violence in Philadelphia in 2022.

In February 2024, officials in Massachusetts requested the National Guard be deployed to a more unexpected location – to a high school.

Brockton High School has been struggling with student fights, drug use and disrespect toward staff. One school staffer said she was trampled by a crowd rushing to see a fight. Many teachers call in sick to work each day, leaving the school understaffed.

As a researcher who studies school discipline, I know Brockton’s situation is part of a national trend of principals and teachers who have been struggling to deal with perceived increases in student misbehavior since the pandemic.

A review of how the National Guard has been deployed to schools in the past shows the guard can provide service to schools in cases of exceptional need. Yet, doing so does not always end well.

How have schools used the National Guard before?

In 1957, the National Guard blocked nine Black students’ attempts to desegregate Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. While the governor claimed this was for safety, the National Guard effectively delayed desegregation of the school – as did the mobs of white individuals outside. Ironically, weeks later, the National Guard and the U.S. Army would enforce integration and the safety of the “Little Rock Nine” on orders from President Dwight Eisenhower.

Three men from the mob around Little Rock’s Central High School are driven from the area at bayonet-point by soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division on Sept. 25, 1957. The presence of the troops permitted the nine Black students to enter the school with only minor background incidents. Bettmann via Getty Images

One of the most tragic cases of the National Guard in an educational setting came in 1970 at Kent State University. The National Guard was brought to campus to respond to protests over American involvement in the Vietnam War. The guardsmen fatally shot four students.

In 2012, then-Sen. Barbara Boxer, a Democrat from California, proposed funding to use the National Guard to provide school security in the wake of the Sandy Hook school shooting. The bill was not passed.

More recently, the National Guard filled teacher shortages in New Mexico’s K-12 schools during the quarantines and sickness of the pandemic. While the idea did not catch on nationally, teachers and school personnel in New Mexico generally reported positive experiences.

Can the National Guard address school discipline?

The National Guard’s mission includes responding to domestic emergencies. Members of the guard are part-time service members who maintain civilian lives. Some are students themselves in colleges and universities. Does this mission and training position the National Guard to respond to incidents of student misbehavior and school violence?

On the one hand, New Mexico’s pandemic experience shows the National Guard could be a stopgap to staffing shortages in unusual circumstances. Similarly, the guards’ eventual role in ensuring student safety during school desegregation in Arkansas demonstrates their potential to address exceptional cases in schools, such as racially motivated mob violence. And, of course, many schools have had military personnel teaching and mentoring through Junior ROTC programs for years.

Those seeking to bring the National Guard to Brockton High School have made similar arguments. They note that staffing shortages have contributed to behavior problems.

One school board member stated: “I know that the first thought that comes to mind when you hear ‘National Guard’ is uniform and arms, and that’s not the case. They’re people like us. They’re educated. They’re trained, and we just need their assistance right now. … We need more staff to support our staff and help the students learn (and) have a safe environment.”

Yet, there are reasons to question whether calls for the National Guard are the best way to address school misconduct and behavior. First, the National Guard is a temporary measure that does little to address the underlying causes of student misbehavior and school violence.

Research has shown that students benefit from effective teaching, meaningful and sustained relationships with school personnel and positive school environments. Such educative and supportive environments have been linked to safer schools. National Guard members are not trained as educators or counselors and, as a temporary measure, would not remain in the school to establish durable relationships with students.

What is more, a military presence – particularly if uniformed or armed – may make students feel less welcome at school or escalate situations.

Schools have already seen an increase in militarization. For example, school police departments have gone so far as to acquire grenade launchers and mine-resistant armored vehicles.

Research has found that school police make students more likely to be suspended and to be arrested. Similarly, while a National Guard presence may address misbehavior temporarily, their presence could similarly result in students experiencing punitive or exclusionary responses to behavior.

Students deserve a solution other than the guard

School violence and disruptions are serious problems that can harm students. Unfortunately, schools and educators have increasingly viewed student misbehavior as a problem to be dealt with through suspensions and police involvement.

A number of people – from the NAACP to the local mayor and other members of the school board – have criticized Brockton’s request for the National Guard. Governor Maura Healey has said she will not deploy the guard to the school.

However, the case of Brockton High School points to real needs. Educators there, like in other schools nationally, are facing a tough situation and perceive a lack of support and resources.

Many schools need more teachers and staff. Students need access to mentors and counselors. With these resources, schools can better ensure educators are able to do their jobs without military intervention.

F. Chris Curran has received funding from the US Department of Justice, the Bureau of Justice Assistance, and the American Civil Liberties Union for work on school safety and discipline.

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Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run – Musk Says “I Would Support”

Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run – Musk Says "I Would Support"

Republican Kentucky Senator Rand Paul on Friday hinted that he may jump…

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Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run - Musk Says "I Would Support"

Republican Kentucky Senator Rand Paul on Friday hinted that he may jump into the race to become the next Senate GOP leader, and Elon Musk was quick to support the idea. Republicans must find a successor for periodically malfunctioning Mitch McConnell, who recently announced he'll step down in November, though intending to keep his Senate seat until his term ends in January 2027, when he'd be within weeks of turning 86. 

So far, the announced field consists of two quintessential establishment types: John Cornyn of Texas and John Thune of South Dakota. While John Barrasso's name had been thrown around as one of "The Three Johns" considered top contenders, the Wyoming senator on Tuesday said he'll instead seek the number two slot as party whip. 

Paul used X to tease his potential bid for the position which -- if the GOP takes back the upper chamber in November -- could graduate from Minority Leader to Majority Leader. He started by telling his 5.1 million followers he'd had lots of people asking him about his interest in running...

...then followed up with a poll in which he predictably annihilated Cornyn and Thune, taking a 96% share as of Friday night, with the other two below 2% each. 

Elon Musk was quick to back the idea of Paul as GOP leader, while daring Cornyn and Thune to follow Paul's lead by throwing their names out for consideration by the Twitter-verse X-verse. 

Paul has been a stalwart opponent of security-state mass surveillance, foreign interventionism -- to include shoveling billions of dollars into the proxy war in Ukraine -- and out-of-control spending in general. He demonstrated the latter passion on the Senate floor this week as he ridiculed the latest kick-the-can spending package:   

In February, Paul used Senate rules to force his colleagues into a grueling Super Bowl weekend of votes, as he worked to derail a $95 billion foreign aid bill. "I think we should stay here as long as it takes,” said Paul. “If it takes a week or a month, I’ll force them to stay here to discuss why they think the border of Ukraine is more important than the US border.”

Don't expect a Majority Leader Paul to ditch the filibuster -- he's been a hardy user of the legislative delay tactic. In 2013, he spoke for 13 hours to fight the nomination of John Brennan as CIA director. In 2015, he orated for 10-and-a-half-hours to oppose extension of the Patriot Act

Rand Paul amid his 10 1/2 hour filibuster in 2015

Among the general public, Paul is probably best known as Capitol Hill's chief tormentor of Dr. Anthony Fauci, who was director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease during the Covid-19 pandemic. Paul says the evidence indicates the virus emerged from China's Wuhan Institute of Virology. He's accused Fauci and other members of the US government public health apparatus of evading questions about their funding of the Chinese lab's "gain of function" research, which takes natural viruses and morphs them into something more dangerous. Paul has pointedly said that Fauci committed perjury in congressional hearings and that he belongs in jail "without question."   

Musk is neither the only nor the first noteworthy figure to back Paul for party leader. Just hours after McConnell announced his upcoming step-down from leadership, independent 2024 presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy, Jr voiced his support: 

In a testament to the extent to which the establishment recoils at the libertarian-minded Paul, mainstream media outlets -- which have been quick to report on other developments in the majority leader race -- pretended not to notice that Paul had signaled his interest in the job. More than 24 hours after Paul's test-the-waters tweet-fest began, not a single major outlet had brought it to the attention of their audience. 

That may be his strongest endorsement yet. 

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 20:25

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