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How Does Auto1 Compare To Just Eat Takeaway.com?

How Does The New German “Mega Unicorn IPO” Auto1 Compare To Just Eat Takeaway.com? by Value And Opportunity Q4 2020 hedge fund letters, conferences and more The Auto1 IPO Tomorrow, Auto1, the new German “Mega Unicorn” will go public and trade…

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How Does The New German “Mega Unicorn IPO” Auto1 Compare To Just Eat Takeaway.com? by Value And Opportunity

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Q4 2020 hedge fund letters, conferences and more

The Auto1 IPO

Tomorrow, Auto1, the new German “Mega Unicorn” will go public and trade for the first time. At the upper end of the current book building range (38 EUR/share), which turned out to be the IPO price, the company is valued at almost 8 bn EUR. And that is before the expected “pop” at the IPO.

The company has currently 173 mn shares outstanding and will will issue 31.25 mn new Shares for around 1 bn that will go to the company. Another 15,625 mn shares will offered by existing shareholders, including the founders and the management.

As I will line out in the post, despite the very different sector (used cars), the underlying business model is somehow similar to Just Eat Takeaway.com (JET), a stock I have written about recently. The aim of this post ist to compare the business models of Auto1 and JET and to also compare the valuation the market grants to these 2 companies.

Spoiler: there will be no “actionable insights” in this post.

Auto1 business model

Auto1 has clearly disrupted the German used car market. The company, founded in 2012, had (prior to Covid-19) very aggressive marketing under their brand “Wirkaufendeinauto.de” which offers an easy way for private customers to sell their car quickly for cash. For this purpose, they run around 400 “centers” where clients can got to, let their car being assessed and then receive either a direct offer or during the next few days a better offer from one of the 60.000 used car dealers that are on the platform of Auto1 and who have direct access to the cars being assessed by Auto1. If a deal gets done, Auto1 will ship the car to the dealer.

In principal business model terms, Auto1 runs a 2-sided market place with a “physical” component, as the cars need to be shipped to their ultimate destination. In technical terms, the main business of Auto1 is a “C2B” business, they enable businesses (used car dealers) to buy from retail clients across Europe.

Auto1 has a small second segment, which accounts for around 2% of their sales where they try to enable “C2C” transactions via the brand “AutoHero”.

Similarities Auto1 & JET

As my readers know, with Just Eat Takeaway.com I(JET) I have bought a more “aggressive” growth stock recently. In contrast to Auto1, the company runs a “B2C” platform, connecting restaurants with hungry consumers who want a meal delivered to their home. However the business also contains a physical component, as the meals have to be delivered. But in the end, both companies run a two sided market place with a physical delivery component.

Such two sided market places with physical goods mostly have a limited amount of “margin” that the owners of the platform can charge as customers and businesses are usually not willing to sacrifice all of their own margins to be on the platform. Interestingly, Auto1 and JET have chosen 2 different ways to account for revenues:

Whereas JET accounts for as the typical GMV (Gross Merchandise Value) vs. Net revenue method, i.e. only showing their “margin” as revenue, Auto 1 has chosen to show the full market place revenue as their revenue. This is an overview how the two companies compare in size and gross profit (estimates are mine):

mn. EUR Just Eat Auto1
GMV 2020 (est.) 12900 2733
Revenue 2020 (est.) 2400 2733
Gross profit 2020 (est) 1300 271
Gross Profit in % of GM/sales 10.1% 9.9%

So although Auto 1 shows more revenue, this revenue is actual GMV. So JET’s marketplace in 2020 is around 5x bigger than Auto1. Interestingly, on a same for same basis, i.e. based on GMV, the stated Gross profit margin is about the same for both companies, which is not a big surprise.

Substitutes/Competitors:

Both business models are clearly subject to substitute products. For JET, a substitute is normally just to eat in a restaurant or directly call a restaurant for delivery. Or cook at home or eat a frozen pizza. So JET needs to make sure that their offering is convenient and price competitive. I have written about competition already in my first post. There is clear competition in many markets, however JET managed to be the NR.1 in most of the relevant markets.

Auto1 also faces a couple of substitute and/or competitors. The main substitute would be to list one’s used car in one of the car sales portals like Autoscout24 etc. Usually this will deliver the best price but is the most inconvenient way as the seller needs to interact with many potential buyers which can cost a lot of time and nerves. So depending on the value of the car, Auto1 might be the most convenient offer. However once you have a more valuable car.the price difference is just too high. Remember, Auto1 is taking a cut and then selling to another used car dealer who takes another cut who then sells again to a consumer. This is also the explanation that the average selling price to Auto1 is at around 5500 EUR which indicates that their platform is used mostly for older cars and that most customers think its worth the effort to sell direct C2C if a car costs significantly more than 5000 EUR. Other substitutes are “trade ins” for a new (used) car or just sell it outright to a local used car dealer. However, the selling price is usually very low.

With regard to competitors, there are a lot of smaller players in the used car market. The big competitors will most likely be the OEMs going forward. Volkswagen for instance is pushing with Heycar into the market and others will clearly follow. However I would say that it is slightly more difficult to enter Auto1’s main market Germany, as the required entry needs to be more on a national basis and would require more capital than a “city by city” market place like food delivery.

Main differences

  1. C2B vs. B2C

One big difference of a C2B model vs. a B2C model is, that consumers usually are expected to pay or receive cash without delay, whereas businesses are usually expected to pay or get paid within 4 weeks or so. A typical direct B2C business (“D2C”) has therefore often very low working capital needs or even negative working capital (see Alimentation Couche-Tard). This is how that looked in 2019 for Auto1 vs. JET:

mn EUR JET Auto1
GMV / Sales 2019 3041 3475
2019 Net working capital -10 243
in % of 2019 GMV/sales -0.3% 7.0%

As expected, Auto1 needs a lot more working capital than JET. This is especially important if companies grow a lot. JET’s business can grow without requiring (a lot) more working capital, whereas Auto1 need 7 EUR Working capital for every 100 EUR sales growth. As Auto1 is expected to grow a lot, the company needs to put a lot of cash into working capital.

As a side remark: The psoitive Operating Cash Flow Auto1 is showing in 9M 2020 is not a sign of profitability but the result of shrinking sales and tehrefore working capital release. This will turn around once the start growing again.

  1. Recurring revenue vs. one-off

Another difference that is harder to quantify is the fact, that a typical consumer at JET is ordering around 2-3 times a month, whereas a typical Auto1 Consumer customer only sells a used car every few years. In general, “Stickiness” is  higher, the more frequent a service is used. Without stickiness, marketing expenses are significant just to keep the level of current bsuiness, whereas a sticky bsuiness with low churn can direct marketing expenses into growth.

Auto1 mentions in their prospectus, that their marketing expense declined from ~3% of sales to ~2,5% in 9M 2020. JET in comparison had ~2,9% marketing expenses in 6M 2020. So marketing seems to be slightly more expensive for JET as Auto1. However as we will see in the next paragraph, the result of these marketing expenses on growth is vastly different.

  1. Growth rates

Now comes the interesting part: What kind of growth rates did the two companies experience ? And there we can see a BIG difference:

JET Auto1
2019 Growth rate Top line 70.0% 23.2%
9M/12M 2020 Growth rate 37.0% -19.0%

On a “same for same” basis (ex M&A), JET grew top line 70% in 2019 and 37% in 2020, whereas Auto1 “only” managed 23% in 2019 and actually shrank by -19% in 2020.

I think this is a combination of two factors: First of all, clearly JET has benefited from Covid-19, as one substitute for their product, restaurant visits disappeared. However I think there is also another factor in play: As mentzioned before, Auto1 has to invest into marketing just to keep last years revenue as they always need to make aware customers again after a few years. JET’s customer base, especially the older vintages shows a clear “negative churn”, i.e. existing customers order more over time, whereas Auto1 needs to fight for customers every time. So also looking into the future, I do expect that JET gets more “bang the buck” in customer value.

  1. Profitability

Another big difference is that Auto1 has never been profitable, not even their home market Germany. JET in contrast is highly profitable in the Netherlands and also the UK business of Just Eat was very profitable.

If we compare accumulated losses to actual GMV/Sales, we can clearly see that Auto1 required both in absolute terms and much more in relative terms a lot more of “investment” in form of losses than JET to generate 1 EUR of sales:

Just Eat Auto1
2019 cumm. result -230 -540
in % of 2019 GMV/sales -2.64% -15.54%

In aggregate, both companies will be somehow EBITDA break even in 2020, but I am pretty sure that Auto1 will need to go EBITDA negative again for the foreseeable future to achieve the projected growth, whereas there is a higher likely hood that JET turns EBITDA positive a lot sooner. Or in technical terms: The Customer acquisition Cost for Auto1 is much higher compared to the customer lifetime value compared to JET.

  1. International expansion

JET has shown that the business model works across many countries. Maybe not in every country at the same time, but still, most western countries seem to allow for such a business model, be it as a platform or including delivery. The major open point is how profitable such a business would be in the end.

Auto1’s business model mostly works in Germany. Yes, they sell internationally throughout Europe, but the acquisition model is a German one. This seems to follow the well known pattern, that used German cars are in high demand especially in Eastern Europe, as the conditions of the cars are very good, due to good roads and the regular required check-ups every 2 years. It is yet to be seen if and how they can tap into other markets form a buying perspective at scale. And as mentioned above, not even the German business is profitable.

Comparing Valuations

One word of caution: Buying a stock because it is relatively cheap to other (similar) stocks as such ist not a great strategy. It could be that the other stock that looks expensive is even so expensive that the stock you are looking at is not cheap either. However, in order to get context and a different perspective, it is useful sometimes to compare to stocks in order to understand the relative valuation.

So this is where the rubber hits the road. Pre GrubHub, this is how valuations look for Auto1 vs. JET:

Just Eat Auto1
Market Cap/Sales 2020 1.1 2.8
Market Cap Gross profit 10.9 28.1

I only used Sales and Gross profit as EBITDA, EBIT and Net Income at the moment are not applicable. For those who have read the post so far: Please judge for yourself if Auto1 is worth around 2.7 times the multiples of JET.

Personally, I do think that JET has a significant more attractive business model and I would have expected the relative valuation to be the other way round, but it is what it is.

However I forgot one very important valuation metric: Total Adressable market (TAM).

Auto1 thinks its TAM is 700 bn EUR, whereas Catrock estimated JET’s TAM to only 592 bn EUR. Therefore Auto1 indeed looks cheaper than JET:

Just Eat Auto1
Total adressable market 592 700
Market cap/TAM 2.40% 1.09%

Summary:

Auto1 is clearly an impressive growth story and their IPO looks like a big success. However in my opinion, in relative terms, JET looks more attractive from a business model perspective and from a relative valuation, unless you believe that TAM is the only relevant metric.

However I would not advise on shorting Auto1. In this market everything is possible and with an expensive stock as currency, good capital allocators can achieve a lot. And one should never underestimate the crazyness of Softbank who is the biggest shareholder.

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The millions of people not looking for work in the UK may be prioritising education, health and freedom

Economic inactivity is not always the worst option.

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Taking time out. pathdoc/Shutterstock

Around one in five British people of working age (16-64) are now outside the labour market. Neither in work nor looking for work, they are officially labelled as “economically inactive”.

Some of those 9.2 million people are in education, with many students not active in the labour market because they are studying full-time. Others are older workers who have chosen to take early retirement.

But that still leaves a large number who are not part of the labour market because they are unable to work. And one key driver of economic inactivity in recent years has been illness.

This increase in economic inactivity – which has grown since before the pandemic – is not just harming the economy, but also indicative of a deeper health crisis.

For those suffering ill health, there are real constraints on access to work. People with health-limiting conditions cannot just slot into jobs that are available. They need help to address the illnesses they have, and to re-engage with work through organisations offering supportive and healthy work environments.

And for other groups, such as stay-at-home parents, businesses need to offer flexible work arrangements and subsidised childcare to support the transition from economic inactivity into work.

The government has a role to play too. Most obviously, it could increase investment in the NHS. Rising levels of poor health are linked to years of under-investment in the health sector and economic inactivity will not be tackled without more funding.

Carrots and sticks

For the time being though, the UK government appears to prefer an approach which mixes carrots and sticks. In the March 2024 budget, for example, the chancellor cut national insurance by 2p as a way of “making work pay”.

But it is unclear whether small tax changes like this will have any effect on attracting the economically inactive back into work.

Jeremy Hunt also extended free childcare. But again, questions remain over whether this is sufficient to remove barriers to work for those with parental responsibilities. The high cost and lack of availability of childcare remain key weaknesses in the UK economy.

The benefit system meanwhile has been designed to push people into work. Benefits in the UK remain relatively ungenerous and hard to access compared with other rich countries. But labour shortages won’t be solved by simply forcing the economically inactive into work, because not all of them are ready or able to comply.

It is also worth noting that work itself may be a cause of bad health. The notion of “bad work” – work that does not pay enough and is unrewarding in other ways – can lead to economic inactivity.

There is also evidence that as work has become more intensive over recent decades, for some people, work itself has become a health risk.

The pandemic showed us how certain groups of workers (including so-called “essential workers”) suffered more ill health due to their greater exposure to COVID. But there are broader trends towards lower quality work that predate the pandemic, and these trends suggest improving job quality is an important step towards tackling the underlying causes of economic inactivity.

Freedom

Another big section of the economically active population who cannot be ignored are those who have retired early and deliberately left the labour market behind. These are people who want and value – and crucially, can afford – a life without work.

Here, the effects of the pandemic can be seen again. During those years of lockdowns, furlough and remote working, many of us reassessed our relationship with our jobs. Changed attitudes towards work among some (mostly older) workers can explain why they are no longer in the labour market and why they may be unresponsive to job offers of any kind.

Sign on railings supporting NHS staff during pandemic.
COVID made many people reassess their priorities. Alex Yeung/Shutterstock

And maybe it is from this viewpoint that we should ultimately be looking at economic inactivity – that it is actually a sign of progress. That it represents a move towards freedom from the drudgery of work and the ability of some people to live as they wish.

There are utopian visions of the future, for example, which suggest that individual and collective freedom could be dramatically increased by paying people a universal basic income.

In the meantime, for plenty of working age people, economic inactivity is a direct result of ill health and sickness. So it may be that the levels of economic inactivity right now merely show how far we are from being a society which actually supports its citizens’ wellbeing.

David Spencer has received funding from the ESRC.

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International

Illegal Immigrants Leave US Hospitals With Billions In Unpaid Bills

Illegal Immigrants Leave US Hospitals With Billions In Unpaid Bills

By Autumn Spredemann of The Epoch Times

Tens of thousands of illegal…

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Illegal Immigrants Leave US Hospitals With Billions In Unpaid Bills

By Autumn Spredemann of The Epoch Times

Tens of thousands of illegal immigrants are flooding into U.S. hospitals for treatment and leaving billions in uncompensated health care costs in their wake.

The House Committee on Homeland Security recently released a report illustrating that from the estimated $451 billion in annual costs stemming from the U.S. border crisis, a significant portion is going to health care for illegal immigrants.

With the majority of the illegal immigrant population lacking any kind of medical insurance, hospitals and government welfare programs such as Medicaid are feeling the weight of these unanticipated costs.

Apprehensions of illegal immigrants at the U.S. border have jumped 48 percent since the record in fiscal year 2021 and nearly tripled since fiscal year 2019, according to Customs and Border Protection data.

Last year broke a new record high for illegal border crossings, surpassing more than 3.2 million apprehensions.

And with that sea of humanity comes the need for health care and, in most cases, the inability to pay for it.

In January, CEO of Denver Health Donna Lynne told reporters that 8,000 illegal immigrants made roughly 20,000 visits to the city’s health system in 2023.

The total bill for uncompensated care costs last year to the system totaled $140 million, said Dane Roper, public information officer for Denver Health. More than $10 million of it was attributed to “care for new immigrants,” he told The Epoch Times.

Though the amount of debt assigned to illegal immigrants is a fraction of the total, uncompensated care costs in the Denver Health system have risen dramatically over the past few years.

The total uncompensated costs in 2020 came to $60 million, Mr. Roper said. In 2022, the number doubled, hitting $120 million.

He also said their city hospitals are treating issues such as “respiratory illnesses, GI [gastro-intenstinal] illnesses, dental disease, and some common chronic illnesses such as asthma and diabetes.”

“The perspective we’ve been trying to emphasize all along is that providing healthcare services for an influx of new immigrants who are unable to pay for their care is adding additional strain to an already significant uncompensated care burden,” Mr. Roper said.

He added this is why a local, state, and federal response to the needs of the new illegal immigrant population is “so important.”

Colorado is far from the only state struggling with a trail of unpaid hospital bills.

EMS medics with the Houston Fire Department transport a Mexican woman the hospital in Houston on Aug. 12, 2020. (John Moore/Getty Images)

Dr. Robert Trenschel, CEO of the Yuma Regional Medical Center situated on the Arizona–Mexico border, said on average, illegal immigrants cost up to three times more in human resources to resolve their cases and provide a safe discharge.

“Some [illegal] migrants come with minor ailments, but many of them come in with significant disease,” Dr. Trenschel said during a congressional hearing last year.

“We’ve had migrant patients on dialysis, cardiac catheterization, and in need of heart surgery. Many are very sick.”

He said many illegal immigrants who enter the country and need medical assistance end up staying in the ICU ward for 60 days or more.

A large portion of the patients are pregnant women who’ve had little to no prenatal treatment. This has resulted in an increase in babies being born that require neonatal care for 30 days or longer.

Dr. Trenschel told The Epoch Times last year that illegal immigrants were overrunning healthcare services in his town, leaving the hospital with $26 million in unpaid medical bills in just 12 months.

ER Duty to Care

The Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act of 1986 requires that public hospitals participating in Medicare “must medically screen all persons seeking emergency care … regardless of payment method or insurance status.”

The numbers are difficult to gauge as the policy position of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) is that it “will not require hospital staff to ask patients directly about their citizenship or immigration status.”

In southern California, again close to the border with Mexico, some hospitals are struggling with an influx of illegal immigrants.

American patients are enduring longer wait times for doctor appointments due to a nursing shortage in the state, two health care professionals told The Epoch Times in January.

A health care worker at a hospital in Southern California, who asked not to be named for fear of losing her job, told The Epoch Times that “the entire health care system is just being bombarded” by a steady stream of illegal immigrants.

“Our healthcare system is so overwhelmed, and then add on top of that tuberculosis, COVID-19, and other diseases from all over the world,” she said.

A Salvadorian man is aided by medical workers after cutting his leg while trying to jump on a truck in Matias Romero, Mexico, on Nov. 2, 2018. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

A newly-enacted law in California provides free healthcare for all illegal immigrants residing in the state. The law could cost taxpayers between $3 billion and $6 billion per year, according to recent estimates by state and federal lawmakers.

In New York, where the illegal immigration crisis has manifested most notably beyond the southern border, city and state officials have long been accommodating of illegal immigrants’ healthcare costs.

Since June 2014, when then-mayor Bill de Blasio set up The Task Force on Immigrant Health Care Access, New York City has worked to expand avenues for illegal immigrants to get free health care.

“New York City has a moral duty to ensure that all its residents have meaningful access to needed health care, regardless of their immigration status or ability to pay,” Mr. de Blasio stated in a 2015 report.

The report notes that in 2013, nearly 64 percent of illegal immigrants were uninsured. Since then, tens of thousands of illegal immigrants have settled in the city.

“The uninsured rate for undocumented immigrants is more than three times that of other noncitizens in New York City (20 percent) and more than six times greater than the uninsured rate for the rest of the city (10 percent),” the report states.

The report states that because healthcare providers don’t ask patients about documentation status, the task force lacks “data specific to undocumented patients.”

Some health care providers say a big part of the issue is that without a clear path to insurance or payment for non-emergency services, illegal immigrants are going to the hospital due to a lack of options.

“It’s insane, and it has been for years at this point,” Dana, a Texas emergency room nurse who asked to have her full name omitted, told The Epoch Times.

Working for a major hospital system in the greater Houston area, Dana has seen “a zillion” migrants pass through under her watch with “no end in sight.” She said many who are illegal immigrants arrive with treatable illnesses that require simple antibiotics. “Not a lot of GPs [general practitioners] will see you if you can’t pay and don’t have insurance.”

She said the “undocumented crowd” tends to arrive with a lot of the same conditions. Many find their way to Houston not long after crossing the southern border. Some of the common health issues Dana encounters include dehydration, unhealed fractures, respiratory illnesses, stomach ailments, and pregnancy-related concerns.

“This isn’t a new problem, it’s just worse now,” Dana said.

Emergency room nurses and EMTs tend to patients in hallways at the Houston Methodist The Woodlands Hospital in Houston on Aug. 18, 2021. (Brandon Bell/Getty Images)

Medicaid Factor

One of the main government healthcare resources illegal immigrants use is Medicaid.

All those who don’t qualify for regular Medicaid are eligible for Emergency Medicaid, regardless of immigration status. By doing this, the program helps pay for the cost of uncompensated care bills at qualifying hospitals.

However, some loopholes allow access to the regular Medicaid benefits. “Qualified noncitizens” who haven’t been granted legal status within five years still qualify if they’re listed as a refugee, an asylum seeker, or a Cuban or Haitian national.

Yet the lion’s share of Medicaid usage by illegal immigrants still comes through state-level benefits and emergency medical treatment.

A Congressional report highlighted data from the CMS, which showed total Medicaid costs for “emergency services for undocumented aliens” in fiscal year 2021 surpassed $7 billion, and totaled more than $5 billion in fiscal 2022.

Both years represent a significant spike from the $3 billion in fiscal 2020.

An employee working with Medicaid who asked to be referred to only as Jennifer out of concern for her job, told The Epoch Times that at a state level, it’s easy for an illegal immigrant to access the program benefits.

Jennifer said that when exceptions are sent from states to CMS for approval, “denial is actually super rare. It’s usually always approved.”

She also said it comes as no surprise that many of the states with the highest amount of Medicaid spending are sanctuary states, which tend to have policies and laws that shield illegal immigrants from federal immigration authorities.

Moreover, Jennifer said there are ways for states to get around CMS guidelines. “It’s not easy, but it can and has been done.”

The first generation of illegal immigrants who arrive to the United States tend to be healthy enough to pass any pre-screenings, but Jennifer has observed that the subsequent generations tend to be sicker and require more access to care. If a family is illegally present, they tend to use Emergency Medicaid or nothing at all.

The Epoch Times asked Medicaid Services to provide the most recent data for the total uncompensated care that hospitals have reported. The agency didn’t respond.

Continue reading over at The Epoch Times

Tyler Durden Fri, 03/15/2024 - 09:45

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Fuel poverty in England is probably 2.5 times higher than government statistics show

The top 40% most energy efficient homes aren’t counted as being in fuel poverty, no matter what their bills or income are.

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Julian Hochgesang|Unsplash

The cap set on how much UK energy suppliers can charge for domestic gas and electricity is set to fall by 15% from April 1 2024. Despite this, prices remain shockingly high. The average household energy bill in 2023 was £2,592 a year, dwarfing the pre-pandemic average of £1,308 in 2019.

The term “fuel poverty” refers to a household’s ability to afford the energy required to maintain adequate warmth and the use of other essential appliances. Quite how it is measured varies from country to country. In England, the government uses what is known as the low income low energy efficiency (Lilee) indicator.

Since energy costs started rising sharply in 2021, UK households’ spending powers have plummeted. It would be reasonable to assume that these increasingly hostile economic conditions have caused fuel poverty rates to rise.

However, according to the Lilee fuel poverty metric, in England there have only been modest changes in fuel poverty incidence year on year. In fact, government statistics show a slight decrease in the nationwide rate, from 13.2% in 2020 to 13.0% in 2023.

Our recent study suggests that these figures are incorrect. We estimate the rate of fuel poverty in England to be around 2.5 times higher than what the government’s statistics show, because the criteria underpinning the Lilee estimation process leaves out a large number of financially vulnerable households which, in reality, are unable to afford and maintain adequate warmth.

Blocks of flats in London.
Household fuel poverty in England is calculated on the basis of the energy efficiency of the home. Igor Sporynin|Unsplash

Energy security

In 2022, we undertook an in-depth analysis of Lilee fuel poverty in Greater London. First, we combined fuel poverty, housing and employment data to provide an estimate of vulnerable homes which are omitted from Lilee statistics.

We also surveyed 2,886 residents of Greater London about their experiences of fuel poverty during the winter of 2022. We wanted to gauge energy security, which refers to a type of self-reported fuel poverty. Both parts of the study aimed to demonstrate the potential flaws of the Lilee definition.

Introduced in 2019, the Lilee metric considers a household to be “fuel poor” if it meets two criteria. First, after accounting for energy expenses, its income must fall below the poverty line (which is 60% of median income).

Second, the property must have an energy performance certificate (EPC) rating of D–G (the lowest four ratings). The government’s apparent logic for the Lilee metric is to quicken the net-zero transition of the housing sector.

In Sustainable Warmth, the policy paper that defined the Lilee approach, the government says that EPC A–C-rated homes “will not significantly benefit from energy-efficiency measures”. Hence, the focus on fuel poverty in D–G-rated properties.

Generally speaking, EPC A–C-rated homes (those with the highest three ratings) are considered energy efficient, while D–G-rated homes are deemed inefficient. The problem with how Lilee fuel poverty is measured is that the process assumes that EPC A–C-rated homes are too “energy efficient” to be considered fuel poor: the main focus of the fuel poverty assessment is a characteristic of the property, not the occupant’s financial situation.

In other words, by this metric, anyone living in an energy-efficient home cannot be considered to be in fuel poverty, no matter their financial situation. There is an obvious flaw here.

Around 40% of homes in England have an EPC rating of A–C. According to the Lilee definition, none of these homes can or ever will be classed as fuel poor. Even though energy prices are going through the roof, a single-parent household with dependent children whose only income is universal credit (or some other form of benefits) will still not be considered to be living in fuel poverty if their home is rated A-C.

The lack of protection afforded to these households against an extremely volatile energy market is highly concerning.

In our study, we estimate that 4.4% of London’s homes are rated A-C and also financially vulnerable. That is around 171,091 households, which are currently omitted by the Lilee metric but remain highly likely to be unable to afford adequate energy.

In most other European nations, what is known as the 10% indicator is used to gauge fuel poverty. This metric, which was also used in England from the 1990s until the mid 2010s, considers a home to be fuel poor if more than 10% of income is spent on energy. Here, the main focus of the fuel poverty assessment is the occupant’s financial situation, not the property.

Were such alternative fuel poverty metrics to be employed, a significant portion of those 171,091 households in London would almost certainly qualify as fuel poor.

This is confirmed by the findings of our survey. Our data shows that 28.2% of the 2,886 people who responded were “energy insecure”. This includes being unable to afford energy, making involuntary spending trade-offs between food and energy, and falling behind on energy payments.

Worryingly, we found that the rate of energy insecurity in the survey sample is around 2.5 times higher than the official rate of fuel poverty in London (11.5%), as assessed according to the Lilee metric.

It is likely that this figure can be extrapolated for the rest of England. If anything, energy insecurity may be even higher in other regions, given that Londoners tend to have higher-than-average household income.

The UK government is wrongly omitting hundreds of thousands of English households from fuel poverty statistics. Without a more accurate measure, vulnerable households will continue to be overlooked and not get the assistance they desperately need to stay warm.

Torran Semple receives funding from Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC) grant EP/S023305/1.

John Harvey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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