Connect with us


6 Best Small Cap Stocks to Buy Now

Small cap stocks have the potential to make your investment soar. Let’s take a closer look at a few small cap stocks to buy now.
The post 6 Best Small…



Many investors are looking for the next small cap stocks to buy. Small cap stocks are a little larger than microcaps. But they still allow the investor to have an array of decisions and risk to take on. And while microcaps are $300 million or less, small cap stocks are anywhere from $300 million to $2 billion.

And this breadth gives investors a bit of wiggle room. Because they can choose to take on more or less risk. If a company has a higher market cap, it’s less risky. And, less volatile.

Small cap stocks are great because of this. They cover a large area. And, they fall in a range that is not quite a startup. But, they also haven’t “maxed out” their growth potential. So, they don’t carry a ton of risk. But, they still have the potential to make your investment soar.

Small Cap Stocks to Buy Now

  1. Portillo’s Inc. (Nasdaq: PTLO)
  2. Vnet Group Inc. (Nasdaq: VNET)
  3. Vroom Inc. (Nasdaq: VRM)
  4. BTRS Holdings Inc. (Nasdaq: BTRS)
  5. com Inc. (Nasdaq: PRTS)
  6. Agios Pharmaceuticals Inc. (Nasdaq: AGIO)

Best Small Cap Stocks to Buy

No. 6 Portillo’s Inc.

Market Cap: Approx. $1.9 billion

With this small cap stock to buy being founded all the way back in 1963, Portillo’s has a long history behind it. And, prices are in a bear right now. That means great opportunity for you, the investor. This drop seems to go back to the fact that prices for supplies are going up. As such, it has less room for profit margins. Or, it must raise prices. And then sales usually take a hit. Either way, if you buy, the future’s likely to bring gains.

The company offers street food that is branded as “Chicago style.” Its huge tradition and popularity has gained attention from celebrities. The website and restaurants are plastered in signed photos. They’re from all sorts of famous folks that visit. Portillo’s stresses the importance of good food, having fun and leaving a legacy.

No. 5 Vnet Group Inc.

Market Cap: Approx. $1.2 billion

Vnet provides internet services all over China. But this small cap stock to buy isn’t tied to one carrier or another. Vnet is deliberately bringing high quality internet to people within the country. And some of their services include hosting, access to the cloud, and VPN. Plus, their customer base includes a large variety of almost 5,000 customers. Which are also businesses themselves.

Recently, Vnet received a $250 million investment from Blackstone. And that’s a big deal. Because Blackstone is a New York based investment firm.

In fact, it’s one of the world’s best. Also, this small cap stock has joined up with Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute. And, with this partnership, the company plans to “hyper-scale (its) data centers.”

No. 4 Vroom Inc.

Market Cap: Approx. $950 million

The used car market is one that’s really boomed from the supply chain backing up. Plus, COVID-19 has given lots of us a new desire for “touchless” services. And since our hunger for convenience has not faded, I’m sure Vroom is doing quite well. This small cap stock allows people to buy, sell and trade cars remotely.

You can go online, pick out a car and have it delivered. It even allows you to keep the car for seven days to try it out. And if you don’t like it, the company refunds you. It’s basically a modern food delivery service for car buying.

And, the company hosts all sorts of brands. Even some of the high-end labels like Porsche and Mercedes-Benz. Plus, they’ve received promotion from many prominent companies with influence. Companies like Bloomberg, Yahoo! Finance and Fortune. Those are big names, and Vroom has managed to get their attention.

Recently, Vroom announced it has secured financing availability through United Auto Credit Corporation. So, now the company can offer financing to those who buy through the site. And that’s likely to bring some huge gains in the near and long-term future.

No. 3 BTRS Holdings Inc.

Market Cap: Approx. $975 million

This small cap stock to buy owns a brand called Billtrust. And its major function is to help companies automate payments. And receive the money that’s owed to them much faster. It takes care of a wide breadth of functions, too. From taking away credit risk, even if your customer has bad credit. To taking care of ordering, invoicing, and following up with clients.

Recently, Billtrust acquired a Netherlands B2B financial software agency. It’s called Order2Cash. And it seems to have been a competitor to Billtrust. The company pursued many of the same goals and achievements in the past. So now, the stronger business has come out ahead, and they’ve joined forces.

In 2021, it also hit the $1 billion mark for invoices delivered into the correct accounts. Plus, it appointed a new Chief Legal Officer. So, the company is obviously growing and adding new members to the team. These are all good signs when it comes to growth. Both in the stock price and within the company itself.

No. 2 Inc.

Market Cap: Approx. $480 million

A few years back, the used car market soared. Businesses like AutoZone made some incredible gains. Many people were buying used cars. And, naturally, they needed parts to fix them up. There was a large market for fixing up those used cars DIY style. And AutoZone does a great job of providing the parts and materials needed. So, the stock made very big gains in share price.

Now, there is a similar phenomenon happening. The used car market is sky high. And the supply chain is slowly catching up. But that’s the key word here- slowly. So used cars are still red hot. did extraordinarily well. But right now, it’s on a downward correction. It’s hard to say what will happen in the future, though.

The place where this small cap stock to buy stands out is that it makes sure you get the correct parts for your car. Even if you don’t know what those are.

Small Cap Stocks to Buy No. 1 Agios Pharmaceuticals Inc.

Market Cap: Approx. $1.6 billion

This small cap stock to buy is focused on creating therapies that get rid of cancer. And more specifically, small cell cancers. Also, it’s looking for ways to do away with other diseases. Specifically, those that have to do with anemias and cellular metabolism. It is clear that the people at Agios care very much about what they are doing. Because their passion for the patient shines through.

Recently, the company released a virtual tour of the space they work in. And Agios does a great job of tugging at the viewer’s heartstrings. The tour is led by a sickle cell disease survivor.

Besides this, pharmaceutical stocks are great investments because of their great potential. That, matched with the company’s need in the market.

The post 6 Best Small Cap Stocks to Buy Now appeared first on Investment U.

Read More

Continue Reading


Delivering aid during war is tricky − here’s what to know about what Gaza relief operations may face

The politics of delivering aid in war zones are messy, the ethics fraught and the logistics daunting. But getting everything right is essential − and…




Palestinians on the outskirts of Gaza City walk by buildings destroyed by Israeli bombardment on Oct. 20, 2023. AP Photo/Ali Mahmoud

The 2.2 million people who live in Gaza are facing economic isolation and experiencing incessant bombardment. Their supplies of essential resources, including food and water, are quickly dwindling.

In response, U.S. President Joe Biden has pledged US$100 million in humanitarian assistance for the citizens of Gaza.

As a scholar of peace and conflict economics who served as a World Bank consultant during the 2014 war between Hamas and Israel, I believe that Biden’s promise raises fundamental questions regarding the delivery of humanitarian aid in a war zone. Political constraints, ethical quandaries and the need to protect the security of aid workers and local communities always make it a logistical nightmare.

In this specific predicament, U.S. officials have to choose a strategy to deliver the aid without the perception of benefiting Hamas, a group the U.S. and Israel both classify as a terrorist organization.


When aiding people in war zones, you can’t just send money, a development strategy called “cash transfers” that has become increasingly popular due to its efficiency. Sending money can boost the supply of locally produced goods and services and help people on the ground pay for what they need most. But injecting cash into an economy so completely cut off from the world would only stoke inflation.

So the aid must consist of goods that have to be brought into Gaza, and services provided by people working as part of an aid mission. Humanitarian aid can include food and water; health, sanitation and hygiene supplies and services; and tents and other materials for shelter and settlement.

Due to the closure of the border with Israel, aid can arrive in Gaza only via the Rafah crossing on the Egyptian border.

The U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, will likely turn to its longtime partner on the ground, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, or UNRWA, to serve as supply depots and distribute goods. That agency, originally founded in 1949 as a temporary measure until a two-state solution could be found, serves in effect as a parallel yet unelected government for Palestinian refugees.

USAID will likely want to tap into UNRWA’s network of 284 schools – many of which are now transformed into humanitarian shelters housing two-thirds of the estimated 1 million people displaced by Israeli airstrikes – and 22 hospitals to expedite distribution.

Map of Gaza and its neighbors
Gaza is a self-governing Palestinian territory. The narrow piece of land is located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, bordered by Israel and Egypt. PeterHermesFurian/iStock via Getty Images Plus


Prior to the Trump administration, the U.S. was typically the largest single provider of aid to the West Bank and Gaza. USAID administers the lion’s share of it.

Since Biden took office, total yearly U.S. assistance for the Palestinian territories has totaled around $150 million, restored from just $8 million in 2020 under the Trump administration. During the Obama administration, however, the U.S. was providing more aid to the territories than it is now, with $1 billion disbursed in the 2013 fiscal year.

But the White House needs Congress to approve this assistance – a process that requires the House of Representatives to elect a new speaker and then for lawmakers to approve aid to Gaza once that happens.


The United Nations Relief and Works Agency is a U.N. organization. It’s not run by Hamas, unlike, for instance, the Gaza Ministry of Health. However, Hamas has frequently undermined UNRWA’s efforts and diverted international aid for military purposes.

Hamas has repeatedly used UNRWA schools as rocket depots. They have repeatedly tunneled beneath UNRWA schools. They have dismantled European Union-funded water pipes to use as rocket fuselages. And even since the most recent violence broke out, the UNRWA has accused Hamas of stealing fuel and food from its Gaza premises.

Humanitarian aid professionals regularly have to contend with these trade-offs when deciding to what extent they can work with governments and local authorities that commit violent acts. They need to do so in exchange for the access required to help civilians under their control.

Similarly, Biden has had to make concessions to Israel while brokering for the freedom to send humanitarian aid to Gaza. For example, he has assured Israel that if any of the aid is diverted by Hamas, the operation will cease.

This promise may have been politically necessary. But if Biden already believes Hamas to be uncaring about civilian welfare, he may not expect the group to refrain from taking what they can.

Security best practices

What can be done to protect the security of humanitarian aid operations that take place in the midst of dangerous conflicts?

Under International Humanitarian Law, local authorities have the primary responsibility for ensuring the delivery of aid – even when they aren’t carrying out that task. To increase the chances that the local authorities will not attack them, aid groups can give “humanitarian notification” and voluntarily alert the local government as to where they will be operating.

Hamas has repeatedly flouted international norms and laws. So the question of if and how the aid convoy will be protected looms large.

Under the current agreement between the U.S., Israel and Egypt, the convoy will raise the U.N. flag. International inspectors will make sure no weapons are on board the vehicles before crossing over from Arish, Egypt, to Rafah, a city located on the Gaza Strip’s border with Egypt.

The aid convoy will likely cross without militarized security. This puts it at some danger of diversion once inside Gaza. But whether the aid convoy is attacked, seized or left alone, the Biden administration will have demonstrated its willingness to attempt a humanitarian relief operation. In this sense, a relatively small first convoy bearing water, medical supplies and food, among other items, serves as a test balloon for a sustained operation to follow soon after.

If the U.S. were to provide the humanitarian convoy a military escort, by contrast, Hamas could see its presence as a provocation. Washington’s support for Israel is so strong that the U.S. could potentially be judged as a party in the conflict between Israel and Hamas.

In that case, the presence of U.S. armed forces might provoke attacks on Gaza-bound aid convoys by Hamas and Islamic jihad fighters that otherwise would not have occurred. Combined with the mobilization of two U.S. Navy carrier groups in the eastern Mediterranean Sea, I’d be concerned that such a move might also stoke regional anger. It would undermine the Biden administration’s attempts to cool the situation.

On U.N.-approved missions, aid delivery may be secured by third-party peacekeepers – meaning, in this case, personnel who are neither Israeli nor Palestinian – with the U.N. Security Council’s blessing. In this case, tragically, it’s unlikely that such a resolution could conceivably pass such a vote, much less quickly enough to make a difference.

Topher L. McDougal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Read More

Continue Reading


Diagnosis and management of postoperative wound infections in the head and neck region

“The majority of wound infections often manifest themselves immediately postoperatively, so close followup should take place […]” Credit: 2023 Barbarewicz…



“The majority of wound infections often manifest themselves immediately postoperatively, so close followup should take place […]”

Credit: 2023 Barbarewicz et al.

“The majority of wound infections often manifest themselves immediately postoperatively, so close followup should take place […]”

BUFFALO, NY- October 20, 2023 – A new research perspective was published in Oncoscience (Volume 10) on October 4, 2023, entitled, “Diagnosis and management of postoperative wound infections in the head and neck region.”

In everyday clinical practice at a department for oral and maxillofacial surgery, a large number of surgical procedures in the head and neck region take place under both outpatient and inpatient conditions. The basis of every surgical intervention is the patient’s consent to the respective procedure. Particular attention is drawn to the general and operation-specific risks. 

Particularly in the case of soft tissue procedures in the facial region, bleeding, secondary bleeding, scarring and infection of the surgical area are among the most common complications/risks, depending on the respective procedure. In their new perspective, researchers Filip Barbarewicz, Kai-Olaf Henkel and Florian Dudde from Army Hospital Hamburg in Germany discuss the diagnosis and management of postoperative infections in the head and neck region.

“In order to minimize the wound infections/surgical site infections, aseptic operating conditions with maximum sterility are required.”

Furthermore, depending on the extent of the surgical procedure and the patient‘s previous illnesses, peri- and/or postoperative antibiotics should be considered in order to avoid postoperative surgical site infection. Abscesses, cellulitis, phlegmone and (depending on the location of the procedure) empyema are among the most common postoperative infections in the respective surgical area. The main pathogens of these infections are staphylococci, although mixed (germ) patterns are also possible. 

“Risk factors for the development of a postoperative surgical site infection include, in particular, increased age, smoking, multiple comorbidities and/or systemic diseases (e.g., diabetes mellitus type II) as well as congenital and/ or acquired immune deficiency [10, 11].”


Continue reading the paper: DOI: 

Correspondence to: Florian Dudde


Keywords: surgical site infection, head and neck surgery


About Oncoscience

Oncoscience is a peer-reviewed, open-access, traditional journal covering the rapidly growing field of cancer research, especially emergent topics not currently covered by other journals. This journal has a special mission: Freeing oncology from publication cost. It is free for the readers and the authors.

To learn more about Oncoscience, visit and connect with us on social media:

For media inquiries, please contact

Oncoscience Journal Office

6666 East Quaker Str., Suite 1D

Orchard Park, NY 14127

Phone: 1-800-922-0957, option 4


Read More

Continue Reading


G77 Nations, China, Push Back On U.S. “Loss And Damage” Climate Fund In Days Leading Up To UN Summit

G77 Nations, China, Push Back On U.S. "Loss And Damage" Climate Fund In Days Leading Up To UN Summit

As was the case in primary school with…



G77 Nations, China, Push Back On U.S. "Loss And Damage" Climate Fund In Days Leading Up To UN Summit

As was the case in primary school with bringing in presents, make sure you bring enough for the rest of the class, otherwise people get ornery...

This age old rule looks like it could be rearing its head in the days leading up to the UN COP 28 climate summit, set to take place in the United Arab Emirates in about six weeks. 

At the prior UN COP 27, which took place in Egypt last year, the U.S. pushed an idea for a new World Bank "loss and damage" climate slush fund to help poor countries with climate change. But the G77 nations plus China, including many developing countries, are pushing back on the idea, according to a new report from the Financial Times

The goal was to arrange how the fund would operate and where the money would come from for the "particularly vulnerable" nations who would have access to it prior to the upcoming summit in UAE.

But as FT notes, Pedro Luis Pedroso Cuesta, the Cuban chair of the G77 plus China group, has said that talks about these details were instead "deadlocked" over issues of - you guessed it - where the money is going and the governance of the fund.

The U.S.'s proposal for the fund to be governed by the World Bank has been rejected by the G77 after "extensive" discussions, the report says. Cuesta has said that the nations seek to have the fund managed elsewhere, but that the U.S. wasn't open to such arrangements. 

Cuesta said: “We have been confronted with an elephant in the room, and that elephant is the US. We have been faced with a very closed position that it is [the World Bank] or nothing.”

Christina Chan, a senior adviser to US climate envoy John Kerry, responded: “We have been working diligently at every turn to address concerns, problem-solve, and find landing zones.” She said the U.S. has been "clear and consistent" in their messaging on the need for the fund. 

Cuesta contends that the World Bank, known for lending to less affluent nations, lacks a "climate culture" and often delays decision-making, hindering quick responses to climate emergencies like Pakistan's recent severe flooding.

The G77 coalition voiced concerns about the World Bank's legal framework potentially limiting the fund's ability to accept diverse funding sources like philanthropic donations or to access capital markets.

With just days left before the UN COP 28 summit, the World Bank insists that combating climate change is integral to its mission and vows to collaborate on structuring the fund.

Tyler Durden Fri, 10/20/2023 - 15:45

Read More

Continue Reading