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What Happened To The $650 Billion In SDRs Issued In 2021?

What Happened To The $650 Billion In SDRs Issued In 2021?

Submitted by Jan Nieuwenhuijs of Gainesville Coins

A bazooka issuance of 456 billion…

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What Happened To The $650 Billion In SDRs Issued In 2021?

Submitted by Jan Nieuwenhuijs of Gainesville Coins

A bazooka issuance of 456 billion new SDRs (~$650 billion) by the IMF in August 2021, “to boost global liquidity,” has accomplished very little of what was intended. Numerous nations are teetering on the brink of collapse and global growth is declining. Paltry SDR trading volume over the past year confirms the flaws of this asset.

As we shall see, the SDR is mainly used to grease the IMF’s wheels of bureaucracy.

Meeting of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)

Before August 2021 total Special Drawing Right (SDR) allocations to International Monetary Fund (IMF) members stood at 204 billion. (1 SDR is currently worth about $1.3 U.S. dollars). Through the addition of 456 billion SDRs, total allocations increased by 124%. Yet the new issuance has done next to nothing of what IMF’s Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva promised in 2021:

This is a historic decision—the largest SDR allocation in the history of the IMF and a shot in the arm for the global economy at a time of unprecedented crisis. The SDR allocation will benefit all members, address the long-term global need for reserves, build confidence, and foster the resilience and stability of the global economy. It will particularly help our most vulnerable countries struggling to cope with the impact of the COVID-19 crisis.

When it sounds too good to be true, it usually is. First off, creating more SDRs doesn’t increase global liquidity (the quantity of international reserves). Nor does it benefit all members, build confidence, stabilize the global economy, or foster resilience.

SDR allocations by the IMF over history

The SDR disappoints because it’s not a currency, it isn’t backed by anything, there is no free market to exchange them, and trade is illiquid (difficult to convert large quantities into cash). Regardless, the IMF spreads falsehoods about the SDR to keep up appearances.

Let’s dispel the myths surrounding the SDR.

What Is an SDR?

Officially the SDR “is a potential claim on the freely usable currencies of IMF members.” The IMF can allocate new SDRs to all of its member states. The IMF can’t allocate SDRs to itself. At issuance a member gains a double book entry on its balance sheet based on its IMF quota. SDR holdings on the asset side are equal to the amount of SDR allocations on the liability side. Because holdings and allocations net out, a new issuance of SDRs doesn’t make any member richer nor poorer.

Users’ Guide To The SDR: A Manual of Transactions and Operations in SDRs

Only central banks or monetary authorities, and several international financial institutions such as the IMF and BIS, can hold SDR positions. SDRs cannot be spent on goods and services. Commonly, the only way for a member to make use of its SDR position is to exchange SDR holdings for freely usable currencies (dollars, euros, yen, etc.) with another member.

There is no free market for SDRs to relieve excess supply or demand. Members can exchange SDR holdings through the IMF’s SDR Department, or they can be exchanged directly between parties, though this is more rare. States will notify the SDR Department if they want to buy or sell SDR holdings, in what quantity, and in exchange for which currency. Next, they await if their orders are filled.

Only SDR holdings can be exchanged. A member's SDR allocations are static unless the IMF decides to issue new SDRs. The SDR exchange rate is set by the exchange rates of a basket of currencies designated by the IMF: the U.S. dollar, euro, Chinese renminbi, Japanese yen, and British pound.

Suppose member A and member B both hold an equal amount of SDR holdings relative to their SDR allocations. Member A wants to sell 100 million SDR holdings for Japanese yen, and member B, coincidentally, wants to buy 100 million SDR holdings with Japanese yen. Both notify the SDR Department, and the exchange is cleared. After A received yen and B received SDR holdings, A will have more SDR allocations relative to its holdings, and, conversely, B will have more SDR holdings relative to its allocations.

Member A will now pay the SDR interest rate to the SDR Department and B will receive the SDR interest rate. Simplified, every member that is a net seller of SDR holdings will pay interest until it has bought back those holdings and vice versa (net buyers receive interest until they sell back). The SDR Department manages all interest flows. Effectively, selling SDRs is borrowing currency and buying SDRs is lending currency.

The IMF states SDRs are not their liabilities. This is although a country having a net SDR holding (more holdings than allocations), and thus eligible for receiving interest, is a liability of the IMF. See the SDR Department’s balance sheet from a Quarterly Report below. A country having a net allocation is an asset for the IMF.

Source: IMF Quarterly Report

The SDR interest rate is based on short term interest rates of the currencies that comprise the basket of currencies used to calculate the SDR’s exchange rate. SDR interest is paid every three months in SDRs, and the floor rate is 0.05%.

An SDR holding (“SDR” hereafter) provides the owner a potential opportunity to borrow freely usable currencies. An SDR is central bank collateral for a potential swap* without a specified maturity. I write, “potential opportunity to borrow,” and, “potential swap,” because there is little liquidity in SDRs and anything but a guarantee there is a seller of usable currency willing to buy SDRs. Hence, the SDR officially “is a potential claim on the freely usable currencies of IMF members.”

*In this case a swap means a “forward swap,” which has a spot and a forward leg. In the spot transaction a member sells SDRs for foreign exchange (FX)—and its counterparty does the opposite—and in the forward transaction this trade is undone buying SDRs with FX. A forward swap is the same as a collateralized loan. Hence, “swaps” often refer to lending/borrowing.

For more details, such as how the SDR exchange rate is calculated, please read my previous article.

The SDR’s Shortcomings

1. Trading in SDRs is illiquid because there is no free market. Only 190 countries and a few institutions can own and exchange SDRs; no private entities can expand the user base and improve liquidity. Nor does the IMF ever want to create a free market. When several Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) want to sell (supply) SDRs for currency through the SDR Department, but demand is much lower, the IMF selects the HIPCs to prioritize. On this basis, the IMF will prefer to maintain a managed market. As with communism, managed markets come with a wide variety of problems.

When confronted with the SDR’s poor liquidity, IMF economists will point to the “designation mechanism.” This option should allow the IMF to decree which country must buy SDRs. All members have signed the IMF’s charter—the Articles of Agreement—that stipulates all rights and obligations. But when push comes to shove the Articles of Agreement can’t overrule sovereign nations.

In 1971 the U.S. unilaterally suspended gold convertibility, ended Bretton Woods, and introduced an era of free floating exchange rates. In 1973, “not a single IMF member was any longer in conformity with the Articles of Agreement,” according to Benn Steil, author of The Battle of Bretton Woods. Just as the Articles of Agreement couldn’t force countries to sustain fixed exchange rates in 1970s, today they can’t force countries to buy SDRs in quantities dictated by the IMF.

2. The last SDR issuance was, according to the IMF website, “to boost global liquidity.” It seems the IMF (the Fund) wants us to think that an SDR issuance increases the total amount of convertible currencies. SDRs can’t be spend on goods and services, though, and thus an increase in SDRs “does not increase the total liquidity of the global monetary system.” Why the Fund states new SDRs increase net international reserves is due to the subtle art of accounting.

There is a discussion on creating and trading SDRs and its effect on the money supply in a paper from 2011 that reads, by the IMF’s own admission: “Overall, the creation and use of SDRs is likely to have a neutral effect on the global money supply.” So why all the talk about issuing SDRs to boost global liquidity and meet the global need for reserves? (By the way, why not revalue gold if there is a global need for reserves?)

3. Newly allocated SDRs are distributed among members based on their IMF quota. In general, due to how quotas are calculated, wealthy developed countries that have large economies are being allocated the most SDRs, and poor undeveloped countries that have small economies get the least. About two-thirds of the SDR allocation implemented in August 2021 went to developed economies.

4. All the literature about SDRs is focused on the benefits of selling SDRs, how many developing countries can or have sold SDRs, and so on. It is as if this instrument is designed to be sold. What about buying and owning SDRs?

Buying SDRs is risky. Suppose China buys 10 billion SDRs with U.S. dollars. Over time, these holdings grow due to compounding interest. If China can ever sell those SDRs to get back currency when needed is uncertain. The Fund may prioritize other countries, provided there are buyers. The more SDRs the bigger the risk.

5. The SDR only pays out a short-term interest rate. For central banks that have a long-term investment strategy, the SDR isn’t suitable, as it doesn’t offer a long-term interest rate, which is normally higher than the short-term rate.

6. According to the Fund, SDRs are not a claim on the IMF. In court this statement might hold true; in practice the counterparty of a net SDR holding—the one responsible for paying the SDR interest rate—is the IMF. Furthermore, members rely on the IMF for being able to exchange SDRs. Long story short, SDR owners are greatly exposed to the Fund and thus all its members. What happens when members default? Counterparty risk increases.

7. More than once the IMF has changed the essence of the SDR in the past and can do so again in the future. What an SDR is today can be something different tomorrow.

Who Are the Largest Buyers and Sellers of SDRs?

Although detailed SDR trading data is not available, it can be said the bulk of SDR trading comes from transactions between the Fund itself and member states. The biggest buyer of SDRs is the Fund and the largest sellers are developing countries. Consequently, the largest wallet is the IMF’s General Resources Account (GRA). In July 2022 the GRA held 23 billion SDRs, while the second-largest owner, the U.S., held 4.6 billion SDRs. From the IMF:

Broadly, most SDR transactions relate to Fund-related operations versus uses of SDRs unrelated to GRA … operations (see … Annex Figure 3).

Proposal For a General Allocation of Special Drawing Rights 2021

Regarding residual trading activity, SDRs are mostly sold by poor countries to rich countries.

A chart of all SDR holdings shows how big of a buyer the IMF exactly is.

The Fund’s operations in a nutshell: members have to pay a subscription to the IMF (based on their quota) mainly in their national currencies and reserve currencies. In line with its mandate the IMF then lends out these funds to nations with balance of payments problems. If the borrowers want to repay those loans they can do so in SDRs, to a certain extent, and hence the Fund’s GRA tends to amass.

Strangely, as the SDR has existed since 1969, no basic SDR trading data is published on a recurrent basis. An imperfect option is to collect position data from all participants in the SDR universe and track changes month by month. Or, for more figures, wait until special reports are published.

Based on the first option I estimate 36 billion SDRs have changed hands over the twelve month period since the end of July 2021. By comparison, trading volume in the global repo market is $3.5 trillion U.S. dollars (2.7 trillion SDRs) per day! A meager 36 billion exchanged in a year after 456 billion SDRs were issued reflects the disadvantages of this asset.

Although it’s possible actual trading volume was somewhat higher or lower, I would like to stress it’s much lower if we subtract trades related to IMF transactions.

Here is an example of how monthly changes in SDR holdings (my measurement of trading volume) are often affected: in August 2021, Argentina was allocated 3 billion SDRs. Up until February 2022 Argentina managed to sell nearly all its SDRs (+3 billion in trading volume). From August 2021 till February 2022 the Fund was the biggest buyer of SDRs, having mopped up 30% of all (and thus Argentina’s) sales. In March 2022, the IMF approved a loan to Argentina worth $44 billion U.S. dollars. Argentina received part of this loan in 5 billion SDRs from the IMF’s GRA (+5 billion in trading volume). Since March Argentina has mostly been selling, and so the cycle of shuffling SDRs between Argentina and the GRA can repeat.

Argentina has been responsible for nearly 10 billion of my total estimate of 36 billion in SDR trading volume, though 75% of it was sent back and forth with the Fund.

In 2009, trading after the 183 billion SDR issuance was also lackluster. During the twelve months that followed the allocation in 2009, only 3.4 billion SDRs changed hands in non-IMF-related transactions. The sellers were mostly developing nations, of which more than 80% sold at least 75% of their new SDRs. After an initial “spike,” volumes came down, save a few larger trades in 2015. Just 5 trades accounting for 35 million SDRs were executed in 2020. See the table below.

Source: Proposal For a General Allocation of Special Drawing Rights 2021. From 2009 until 2020 there have been 145 trades (worth 8.8 billion SDRs) not related to IMF transactions.

Before the 2009 issuance the Fund projected annual volume in non-IMF-related transactions to be 20 billion SDRs, which turned out to be 83% lower at 3.4 billion. Disappointing indeed.

In its first ever Annual Update on SDR Trading Operations, released in October 2021, not much is written about SDR trading volume after August 23, 2021. Without making a distinction between IMF-related and non-IMF-related transactions, it’s stated total volume was 6.9 billion SDRs in August and September 2021. My estimate of trading volume—based on month to month changes in positions of all participants—is roughly equal for this period. All sellers were developing countries, on average selling 82% of their new allocations.

Conclusion

According to the IMF, SDRs can be used by members to borrow FX unconditionally as opposed to the Fund’s regular lending operations that come with strings attached. I’m having a hard time acknowledging the unconditional aspect, because “most SDR transactions relate to Fund-related operations” and every member is largely depended on the Fund’s managed market to trade SDRs. The SDR is misrepresented by the Fund.

In my view, the SDR is an instrument used to reinforce the IMF’s right to exist. Certain theories of bureaucracy state that officials, too, “are motivated by their own self-interest [income and power] at least part of the time.” Like every other bureaucratic entity in existence the Fund wants to grow. Its inherent mission has produced a narrative about how the SDR is to “benefit all members, address the long-term global need for reserves, build confidence, and foster the resilience and stability of the global economy.” A great pitch, of which little is true.

Here's my theory of why new SDRs are issued periodically. Because the Fund is the biggest buyer and owner of SDRs, it’s also the largest recipient of SDR interest. As mentioned above, many developing nations sell 80% of their SDRs instantly when new ones are issued. In the course of time paying SDR interest becomes a problem for these countries as they run out of SDRs. For the Fund there is an incentive to issue new SDRs to bail out these countries and thus itself. When all countries get new SDRs, the ones in debt (having sold SDRs) can continue paying interest to the Fund. Yes, several countries had almost no SDRs left before August 2021.

In the Proposal For a General Allocation of Special Drawing Rights, published in July 2021, the IMF writes: “Potential additional SDR inflows to the GRA resulting from increased use by members of SDRs for transactions with the Fund would be closely monitored and are expected to be manageable.” Ironically, the IMF knows that buying too much SDRs is risky.

The SDR's “value as a reserve asset derives from the commitments of members to exchange SDRs for freely usable currencies…” SDRs have no value outside the SDR system, and if members aren’t committed to the system anymore, for example because other members default or oppose the political views of partner members, the SDR value drops to zero.

The SDR will never be more than a fringe reserve asset, and thus can’t replace the dollar as the world reserve currency, like some economists want to believe.

Tyler Durden Mon, 08/29/2022 - 05:00

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Copper Soars, Iron Ore Tumbles As Goldman Says “Copper’s Time Is Now”

Copper Soars, Iron Ore Tumbles As Goldman Says "Copper’s Time Is Now"

After languishing for the past two years in a tight range despite recurring…

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Copper Soars, Iron Ore Tumbles As Goldman Says "Copper's Time Is Now"

After languishing for the past two years in a tight range despite recurring speculation about declining global supply, copper has finally broken out, surging to the highest price in the past year, just shy of $9,000 a ton as supply cuts hit the market; At the same time the price of the world's "other" most important mined commodity has diverged, as iron ore has tumbled amid growing demand headwinds out of China's comatose housing sector where not even ghost cities are being built any more.

Copper surged almost 5% this week, ending a months-long spell of inertia, as investors focused on risks to supply at various global mines and smelters. As Bloomberg adds, traders also warmed to the idea that the worst of a global downturn is in the past, particularly for metals like copper that are increasingly used in electric vehicles and renewables.

Yet the commodity crash of recent years is hardly over, as signs of the headwinds in traditional industrial sectors are still all too obvious in the iron ore market, where futures fell below $100 a ton for the first time in seven months on Friday as investors bet that China’s years-long property crisis will run through 2024, keeping a lid on demand.

Indeed, while the mood surrounding copper has turned almost euphoric, sentiment on iron ore has soured since the conclusion of the latest National People’s Congress in Beijing, where the CCP set a 5% goal for economic growth, but offered few new measures that would boost infrastructure or other construction-intensive sectors.

As a result, the main steelmaking ingredient has shed more than 30% since early January as hopes of a meaningful revival in construction activity faded. Loss-making steel mills are buying less ore, and stockpiles are piling up at Chinese ports. The latest drop will embolden those who believe that the effects of President Xi Jinping’s property crackdown still have significant room to run, and that last year’s rally in iron ore may have been a false dawn.

Meanwhile, as Bloomberg notes, on Friday there were fresh signs that weakness in China’s industrial economy is hitting the copper market too, with stockpiles tracked by the Shanghai Futures Exchange surging to the highest level since the early days of the pandemic. The hope is that headwinds in traditional industrial areas will be offset by an ongoing surge in usage in electric vehicles and renewables.

And while industrial conditions in Europe and the US also look soft, there’s growing optimism about copper usage in India, where rising investment has helped fuel blowout growth rates of more than 8% — making it the fastest-growing major economy.

In any case, with the demand side of the equation still questionable, the main catalyst behind copper’s powerful rally is an unexpected tightening in global mine supplies, driven mainly by last year’s closure of a giant mine in Panama (discussed here), but there are also growing worries about output in Zambia, which is facing an El Niño-induced power crisis.

On Wednesday, copper prices jumped on huge volumes after smelters in China held a crisis meeting on how to cope with a sharp drop in processing fees following disruptions to supplies of mined ore. The group stopped short of coordinated production cuts, but pledged to re-arrange maintenance work, reduce runs and delay the startup of new projects. In the coming weeks investors will be watching Shanghai exchange inventories closely to gauge both the strength of demand and the extent of any capacity curtailments.

“The increase in SHFE stockpiles has been bigger than we’d anticipated, but we expect to see them coming down over the next few weeks,” Colin Hamilton, managing director for commodities research at BMO Capital Markets, said by phone. “If the pace of the inventory builds doesn’t start to slow, investors will start to question whether smelters are actually cutting and whether the impact of weak construction activity is starting to weigh more heavily on the market.”

* * *

Few have been as happy with the recent surge in copper prices as Goldman's commodity team, where copper has long been a preferred trade (even if it may have cost the former team head Jeff Currie his job due to his unbridled enthusiasm for copper in the past two years which saw many hedge fund clients suffer major losses).

As Goldman's Nicholas Snowdon writes in a note titled "Copper's time is now" (available to pro subscribers in the usual place)...

... there has been a "turn in the industrial cycle." Specifically according to the Goldman analyst, after a prolonged downturn, "incremental evidence now points to a bottoming out in the industrial cycle, with the global manufacturing PMI in expansion for the first time since September 2022." As a result, Goldman now expects copper to rise to $10,000/t by year-end and then $12,000/t by end of Q1-25.’

Here are the details:

Previous inflexions in global manufacturing cycles have been associated with subsequent sustained industrial metals upside, with copper and aluminium rising on average 25% and 9% over the next 12 months. Whilst seasonal surpluses have so far limited a tightening alignment at a micro level, we expect deficit inflexions to play out from quarter end, particularly for metals with severe supply binds. Supplemented by the influence of anticipated Fed easing ahead in a non-recessionary growth setting, another historically positive performance factor for metals, this should support further upside ahead with copper the headline act in this regard.

Goldman then turns to what it calls China's "green policy put":

Much of the recent focus on the “Two Sessions” event centred on the lack of significant broad stimulus, and in particular the limited property support. In our view it would be wrong – just as in 2022 and 2023 – to assume that this will result in weak onshore metals demand. Beijing’s emphasis on rapid growth in the metals intensive green economy, as an offset to property declines, continues to act as a policy put for green metals demand. After last year’s strong trends, evidence year-to-date is again supportive with aluminium and copper apparent demand rising 17% and 12% y/y respectively. Moreover, the potential for a ‘cash for clunkers’ initiative could provide meaningful right tail risk to that healthy demand base case. Yet there are also clear metal losers in this divergent policy setting, with ongoing pressure on property related steel demand generating recent sharp iron ore downside.

Meanwhile, Snowdon believes that the driver behind Goldman's long-running bullish view on copper - a global supply shock - continues:

Copper’s supply shock progresses. The metal with most significant upside potential is copper, in our view. The supply shock which began with aggressive concentrate destocking and then sharp mine supply downgrades last year, has now advanced to an increasing bind on metal production, as reflected in this week's China smelter supply rationing signal. With continued positive momentum in China's copper demand, a healthy refined import trend should generate a substantial ex-China refined deficit this year. With LME stocks having halved from Q4 peak, China’s imminent seasonal demand inflection should accelerate a path into extreme tightness by H2. Structural supply underinvestment, best reflected in peak mine supply we expect next year, implies that demand destruction will need to be the persistent solver on scarcity, an effect requiring substantially higher pricing than current, in our view. In this context, we maintain our view that the copper price will surge into next year (GSe 2025 $15,000/t average), expecting copper to rise to $10,000/t by year-end and then $12,000/t by end of Q1-25’

Another reason why Goldman is doubling down on its bullish copper outlook: gold.

The sharp rally in gold price since the beginning of March has ended the period of consolidation that had been present since late December. Whilst the initial catalyst for the break higher came from a (gold) supportive turn in US data and real rates, the move has been significantly amplified by short term systematic buying, which suggests less sticky upside. In this context, we expect gold to consolidate for now, with our economists near term view on rates and the dollar suggesting limited near-term catalysts for further upside momentum. Yet, a substantive retracement lower will also likely be limited by resilience in physical buying channels. Nonetheless, in the midterm we continue to hold a constructive view on gold underpinned by persistent strength in EM demand as well as eventual Fed easing, which should crucially reactivate the largely for now dormant ETF buying channel. In this context, we increase our average gold price forecast for 2024 from $2,090/toz to $2,180/toz, targeting a move to $2,300/toz by year-end.

Much more in the full Goldman note available to pro subs.

Tyler Durden Fri, 03/15/2024 - 14:25

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The millions of people not looking for work in the UK may be prioritising education, health and freedom

Economic inactivity is not always the worst option.

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Taking time out. pathdoc/Shutterstock

Around one in five British people of working age (16-64) are now outside the labour market. Neither in work nor looking for work, they are officially labelled as “economically inactive”.

Some of those 9.2 million people are in education, with many students not active in the labour market because they are studying full-time. Others are older workers who have chosen to take early retirement.

But that still leaves a large number who are not part of the labour market because they are unable to work. And one key driver of economic inactivity in recent years has been illness.

This increase in economic inactivity – which has grown since before the pandemic – is not just harming the economy, but also indicative of a deeper health crisis.

For those suffering ill health, there are real constraints on access to work. People with health-limiting conditions cannot just slot into jobs that are available. They need help to address the illnesses they have, and to re-engage with work through organisations offering supportive and healthy work environments.

And for other groups, such as stay-at-home parents, businesses need to offer flexible work arrangements and subsidised childcare to support the transition from economic inactivity into work.

The government has a role to play too. Most obviously, it could increase investment in the NHS. Rising levels of poor health are linked to years of under-investment in the health sector and economic inactivity will not be tackled without more funding.

Carrots and sticks

For the time being though, the UK government appears to prefer an approach which mixes carrots and sticks. In the March 2024 budget, for example, the chancellor cut national insurance by 2p as a way of “making work pay”.

But it is unclear whether small tax changes like this will have any effect on attracting the economically inactive back into work.

Jeremy Hunt also extended free childcare. But again, questions remain over whether this is sufficient to remove barriers to work for those with parental responsibilities. The high cost and lack of availability of childcare remain key weaknesses in the UK economy.

The benefit system meanwhile has been designed to push people into work. Benefits in the UK remain relatively ungenerous and hard to access compared with other rich countries. But labour shortages won’t be solved by simply forcing the economically inactive into work, because not all of them are ready or able to comply.

It is also worth noting that work itself may be a cause of bad health. The notion of “bad work” – work that does not pay enough and is unrewarding in other ways – can lead to economic inactivity.

There is also evidence that as work has become more intensive over recent decades, for some people, work itself has become a health risk.

The pandemic showed us how certain groups of workers (including so-called “essential workers”) suffered more ill health due to their greater exposure to COVID. But there are broader trends towards lower quality work that predate the pandemic, and these trends suggest improving job quality is an important step towards tackling the underlying causes of economic inactivity.

Freedom

Another big section of the economically active population who cannot be ignored are those who have retired early and deliberately left the labour market behind. These are people who want and value – and crucially, can afford – a life without work.

Here, the effects of the pandemic can be seen again. During those years of lockdowns, furlough and remote working, many of us reassessed our relationship with our jobs. Changed attitudes towards work among some (mostly older) workers can explain why they are no longer in the labour market and why they may be unresponsive to job offers of any kind.

Sign on railings supporting NHS staff during pandemic.
COVID made many people reassess their priorities. Alex Yeung/Shutterstock

And maybe it is from this viewpoint that we should ultimately be looking at economic inactivity – that it is actually a sign of progress. That it represents a move towards freedom from the drudgery of work and the ability of some people to live as they wish.

There are utopian visions of the future, for example, which suggest that individual and collective freedom could be dramatically increased by paying people a universal basic income.

In the meantime, for plenty of working age people, economic inactivity is a direct result of ill health and sickness. So it may be that the levels of economic inactivity right now merely show how far we are from being a society which actually supports its citizens’ wellbeing.

David Spencer has received funding from the ESRC.

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Illegal Immigrants Leave US Hospitals With Billions In Unpaid Bills

Illegal Immigrants Leave US Hospitals With Billions In Unpaid Bills

By Autumn Spredemann of The Epoch Times

Tens of thousands of illegal…

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Illegal Immigrants Leave US Hospitals With Billions In Unpaid Bills

By Autumn Spredemann of The Epoch Times

Tens of thousands of illegal immigrants are flooding into U.S. hospitals for treatment and leaving billions in uncompensated health care costs in their wake.

The House Committee on Homeland Security recently released a report illustrating that from the estimated $451 billion in annual costs stemming from the U.S. border crisis, a significant portion is going to health care for illegal immigrants.

With the majority of the illegal immigrant population lacking any kind of medical insurance, hospitals and government welfare programs such as Medicaid are feeling the weight of these unanticipated costs.

Apprehensions of illegal immigrants at the U.S. border have jumped 48 percent since the record in fiscal year 2021 and nearly tripled since fiscal year 2019, according to Customs and Border Protection data.

Last year broke a new record high for illegal border crossings, surpassing more than 3.2 million apprehensions.

And with that sea of humanity comes the need for health care and, in most cases, the inability to pay for it.

In January, CEO of Denver Health Donna Lynne told reporters that 8,000 illegal immigrants made roughly 20,000 visits to the city’s health system in 2023.

The total bill for uncompensated care costs last year to the system totaled $140 million, said Dane Roper, public information officer for Denver Health. More than $10 million of it was attributed to “care for new immigrants,” he told The Epoch Times.

Though the amount of debt assigned to illegal immigrants is a fraction of the total, uncompensated care costs in the Denver Health system have risen dramatically over the past few years.

The total uncompensated costs in 2020 came to $60 million, Mr. Roper said. In 2022, the number doubled, hitting $120 million.

He also said their city hospitals are treating issues such as “respiratory illnesses, GI [gastro-intenstinal] illnesses, dental disease, and some common chronic illnesses such as asthma and diabetes.”

“The perspective we’ve been trying to emphasize all along is that providing healthcare services for an influx of new immigrants who are unable to pay for their care is adding additional strain to an already significant uncompensated care burden,” Mr. Roper said.

He added this is why a local, state, and federal response to the needs of the new illegal immigrant population is “so important.”

Colorado is far from the only state struggling with a trail of unpaid hospital bills.

EMS medics with the Houston Fire Department transport a Mexican woman the hospital in Houston on Aug. 12, 2020. (John Moore/Getty Images)

Dr. Robert Trenschel, CEO of the Yuma Regional Medical Center situated on the Arizona–Mexico border, said on average, illegal immigrants cost up to three times more in human resources to resolve their cases and provide a safe discharge.

“Some [illegal] migrants come with minor ailments, but many of them come in with significant disease,” Dr. Trenschel said during a congressional hearing last year.

“We’ve had migrant patients on dialysis, cardiac catheterization, and in need of heart surgery. Many are very sick.”

He said many illegal immigrants who enter the country and need medical assistance end up staying in the ICU ward for 60 days or more.

A large portion of the patients are pregnant women who’ve had little to no prenatal treatment. This has resulted in an increase in babies being born that require neonatal care for 30 days or longer.

Dr. Trenschel told The Epoch Times last year that illegal immigrants were overrunning healthcare services in his town, leaving the hospital with $26 million in unpaid medical bills in just 12 months.

ER Duty to Care

The Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act of 1986 requires that public hospitals participating in Medicare “must medically screen all persons seeking emergency care … regardless of payment method or insurance status.”

The numbers are difficult to gauge as the policy position of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) is that it “will not require hospital staff to ask patients directly about their citizenship or immigration status.”

In southern California, again close to the border with Mexico, some hospitals are struggling with an influx of illegal immigrants.

American patients are enduring longer wait times for doctor appointments due to a nursing shortage in the state, two health care professionals told The Epoch Times in January.

A health care worker at a hospital in Southern California, who asked not to be named for fear of losing her job, told The Epoch Times that “the entire health care system is just being bombarded” by a steady stream of illegal immigrants.

“Our healthcare system is so overwhelmed, and then add on top of that tuberculosis, COVID-19, and other diseases from all over the world,” she said.

A Salvadorian man is aided by medical workers after cutting his leg while trying to jump on a truck in Matias Romero, Mexico, on Nov. 2, 2018. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

A newly-enacted law in California provides free healthcare for all illegal immigrants residing in the state. The law could cost taxpayers between $3 billion and $6 billion per year, according to recent estimates by state and federal lawmakers.

In New York, where the illegal immigration crisis has manifested most notably beyond the southern border, city and state officials have long been accommodating of illegal immigrants’ healthcare costs.

Since June 2014, when then-mayor Bill de Blasio set up The Task Force on Immigrant Health Care Access, New York City has worked to expand avenues for illegal immigrants to get free health care.

“New York City has a moral duty to ensure that all its residents have meaningful access to needed health care, regardless of their immigration status or ability to pay,” Mr. de Blasio stated in a 2015 report.

The report notes that in 2013, nearly 64 percent of illegal immigrants were uninsured. Since then, tens of thousands of illegal immigrants have settled in the city.

“The uninsured rate for undocumented immigrants is more than three times that of other noncitizens in New York City (20 percent) and more than six times greater than the uninsured rate for the rest of the city (10 percent),” the report states.

The report states that because healthcare providers don’t ask patients about documentation status, the task force lacks “data specific to undocumented patients.”

Some health care providers say a big part of the issue is that without a clear path to insurance or payment for non-emergency services, illegal immigrants are going to the hospital due to a lack of options.

“It’s insane, and it has been for years at this point,” Dana, a Texas emergency room nurse who asked to have her full name omitted, told The Epoch Times.

Working for a major hospital system in the greater Houston area, Dana has seen “a zillion” migrants pass through under her watch with “no end in sight.” She said many who are illegal immigrants arrive with treatable illnesses that require simple antibiotics. “Not a lot of GPs [general practitioners] will see you if you can’t pay and don’t have insurance.”

She said the “undocumented crowd” tends to arrive with a lot of the same conditions. Many find their way to Houston not long after crossing the southern border. Some of the common health issues Dana encounters include dehydration, unhealed fractures, respiratory illnesses, stomach ailments, and pregnancy-related concerns.

“This isn’t a new problem, it’s just worse now,” Dana said.

Emergency room nurses and EMTs tend to patients in hallways at the Houston Methodist The Woodlands Hospital in Houston on Aug. 18, 2021. (Brandon Bell/Getty Images)

Medicaid Factor

One of the main government healthcare resources illegal immigrants use is Medicaid.

All those who don’t qualify for regular Medicaid are eligible for Emergency Medicaid, regardless of immigration status. By doing this, the program helps pay for the cost of uncompensated care bills at qualifying hospitals.

However, some loopholes allow access to the regular Medicaid benefits. “Qualified noncitizens” who haven’t been granted legal status within five years still qualify if they’re listed as a refugee, an asylum seeker, or a Cuban or Haitian national.

Yet the lion’s share of Medicaid usage by illegal immigrants still comes through state-level benefits and emergency medical treatment.

A Congressional report highlighted data from the CMS, which showed total Medicaid costs for “emergency services for undocumented aliens” in fiscal year 2021 surpassed $7 billion, and totaled more than $5 billion in fiscal 2022.

Both years represent a significant spike from the $3 billion in fiscal 2020.

An employee working with Medicaid who asked to be referred to only as Jennifer out of concern for her job, told The Epoch Times that at a state level, it’s easy for an illegal immigrant to access the program benefits.

Jennifer said that when exceptions are sent from states to CMS for approval, “denial is actually super rare. It’s usually always approved.”

She also said it comes as no surprise that many of the states with the highest amount of Medicaid spending are sanctuary states, which tend to have policies and laws that shield illegal immigrants from federal immigration authorities.

Moreover, Jennifer said there are ways for states to get around CMS guidelines. “It’s not easy, but it can and has been done.”

The first generation of illegal immigrants who arrive to the United States tend to be healthy enough to pass any pre-screenings, but Jennifer has observed that the subsequent generations tend to be sicker and require more access to care. If a family is illegally present, they tend to use Emergency Medicaid or nothing at all.

The Epoch Times asked Medicaid Services to provide the most recent data for the total uncompensated care that hospitals have reported. The agency didn’t respond.

Continue reading over at The Epoch Times

Tyler Durden Fri, 03/15/2024 - 09:45

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