Connect with us

Proof-of-Stake Vs. Proof-of-Work: Which One Is ‘Fairer’?

Proof-of-Stake Vs. Proof-of-Work: Which One Is ‘Fairer’?

Published

on

This is the first part of a deep dive into the years-long debate between proponents of proof-of-work and proof-of-stake. Which one is better and why?

This is the first of two articles providing a deeper dive into the eternal debate between the proof-of-stake and proof-of-work consensus algorithms. This part will focus on the basics, while also discussing the issue of wealth concentration and inequality, which is often at the center of any community argument.

Bitcoin (BTC) and many of the original cryptocurrencies were born as pure proof-of-work systems. 

Proof-of-stake was first pioneered in 2013 by Peercoin, a project that exists to this day. 

Peercoin’s contribution to the popularity of PoS is likely dwarfed by Ethereum (ETH) and its goal to transition from PoW — which has turned out to be a very long journey. Projects such as Cardano (ADA) avoided PoW entirely, deciding on PoS after using a formal approach to assess consensus mechanisms. 

The Bitcoin and Monero (XMR) communities remain some of the staunchest proponents of mining and proof-of-work. 

What is a consensus algorithm?

In any blockchain, the consensus algorithm is designed to solve the issue of trust between the participants of a network. Used for payments, the consensus algorithm is the final piece in the complex cryptographic puzzle that makes cryptocurrency work. 

Basic features of a transaction, such as ownership and amount, are easy to verify with the help of public-key cryptography, which works through fundamental mathematical properties.

Consensus algorithms exist to mitigate the “double-spend” attack, where a malicious actor is able to spend the same coin twice (or any number of times). Solving this issue requires a deliberate decision on which of the two spends is valid.

There are no pure-mathematical solutions to this problem. Instead, consensus algorithms use a combination of cryptography and economic incentives to maintain a functional network.

Bitcoin’s consensus is based on a simple rule — the longest chain of blocks is the only valid one. The system was later termed Nakamoto Consensus, in honor of Bitcoin’s anonymous founder. 

In order to make the concept work, adding blocks to each chain must be relatively difficult. This is where proof-of-work and mining come in. Each block is secured through cryptographic techniques that require miners to commit computing power in order to add blocks. 

As computing power is directly proportional to electricity usage, Bitcoin is secured directly by a fundamental physical quantity — energy.

Under proof-of-stake, the network secures itself through the commitment of a stake — a certain amount of capital in the form of the network’s own tokens. Its security is meant to be derived directly from the perceived economic value of the network — how expensive it is to purchase a majority stake.

But PoW networks also have a close correlation between economic value and security. Miners receive coins as a reward, which means that the higher the value of the coin, the more money they make. 

New miners are incentivized to add more hardware and spend more energy to receive their share of the rewards — which increases security. Over time, the profit for each individual miner trends toward an economic equilibrium dictated by electricity prices. 

As a consequence, the amount of electricity dedicated to mining depends on the coin’s emission rate and market capitalization, while it is largely decoupled from the network’s performance or activity. Many PoS proponents see this as the biggest issue of PoW. 

The energy problem

Cointelegraph spoke with Aggelos Kiayias, the chief scientist of IOHK, one of the entities behind Cardano, to learn more about their decision to use PoS. She said:

“The costs and energy consumption aspects of Proof of Work blockchains were definitely a consideration. It seemed natural to think: ‘is it possible to get a protocol that has a similar type of profile with, for example, Bitcoin’s blockchain, but somehow doesn't have the same energy expenditure?’”

The electricity consumption of Bitcoin mining is significant, with the latest estimate from July 2019 placing it at an annualized value of 70 terawatt-hours. This is close to the total electricity use of a small European country like Austria — although to put that in perspective, it is also just 0.28% of the global figure. 

The environmental impact is contested, with a July 2019 report estimating that 74% of Bitcoin mining is done through renewable sources. Proponents of PoW in Monero and Bitcoin often argue that the energy used in mining is not "wasted," as it is necessary to ensure the resilience and decentralization of the consensus algorithm.

Jake Wocom-Pyatt, project lead for Decred, agrees with the environmental concerns but doesn't believe that PoS is necessarily the answer. Speaking with Cointelegraph, he said:

“PoW is indeed environmentally unfriendly. However, it must be considered that it is the first and simplest consensus system proposed. There are surely ways to improve PoW in the future.”

Though proof-of-stake also involves energy consumption for the delegation process, it is generally agreed to be far less energy-intensive than an equivalent proof-of-work solution. However, many argue that it compromises on too many things in order to achieve this.

Trusting PoS history

According to Wocom-Pyatt, pure PoS is reversible, which means that its history can be changed. This is similar to an argument made in a 2015 paper by Andrew Poelstra, a mathematician at Bitcoin development company Blockstream.

Poelstra argued that it is impossible for a user to rely on the proofs-of-stake to claim that a particular block is valid — because that stake itself depends on previous stakes within that blockchain, which are ultimately based on nothing. He wrote:

“Because there is no universal time (and to new users, no universal history), there is no way to differentiate users who are ‘now’ holding the currency from users who ‘were’ holding the currency.” 

PoW history, by contrast, can be mathematically verified to be correct and can only be counterfeited by recreating its entire mining history. As noted by Poelstra, PoS proponents will argue that as long as short-term history can be secured, changes in old blocks will “contradict the history as remembered by participants of the system.”

This, according to him, “changes the trust model from that of Bitcoin” to one where consensus relies on always-online peers. While he believes that this could theoretically work, he argues that such a trust model is “vulnerable to legal pressure, attacks on ‘trusted’ entities and network attacks” — that it’s less censorship-resistant and decentralized, in short. 

PoS proponents agree that a certain aspect of extra-protocol social coordination and consensus is necessary to maintain its security, but they argue that PoW systems ultimately rely on social consensus as well.

There is no clear winner in this line of argument. It is a philosophical debate that hinges on each individual’s opinion about whether actively relying on social consensus is an acceptable compromise to reduce electricity usage. It is perhaps for this reason that the debate has since moved into other contentious topics. 

Acquiring stake vs. acquiring work

Economic fairness is an often debated point for both types of consensus. In line with the principle of decentralization, both sides seek to minimize issues such as unfair access to the ecosystem or increasing wealth disparity.

Proof-of-stake is often considered to be a system where “the rich get richer” due to the way it rewards the ownership of capital. In a Reddit AMA, Ethereum Foundation representatives argued that the opposite is true:

“In both bases, the owning of an asset allows for seeking gains on that asset. The difference between the two is that in PoS, the mapping of capital to gains is much more direct and fair (i.e. buy token, lock token, perform duties, gain X). Where in PoW, the mapping of capital to gains is highly dependent upon extra-protocol factors.”

In the Cardano network, Kiayias emphasized that PoS makes no distinction between the “rich man’s dollar” and the “poor man’s dollar.” He explained:

“Proof of Work systems, if you look at them, cannot give you a perfectly egalitarian version [of consensus] [...] Whereas in a Proof of Stake system, in principle, you could have a situation where one dollar in the pocket of the poor person would be equal in strength to a dollar in the pocket of a rich person.”

The CEO of Equilibrium, a project designing an algorithmic stablecoin on EOS, also agreed with the Ethereum Foundation’s argument:

“I totally support this assessment. Staking highly fungible tokens doesn't create any entry barriers and doesn't lead to any kind of disparity as long as the given tokens are accessible on the open market.”

They share the opinion that mining increases wealth disparity due to the accumulation of “extra-protocol” factors. Bulk discounts, early or even exclusive access to new hardware — all of these make proof-of-work inherently unfair, according to many PoS proponents.

Alejandro De La Torre, VP at Poolin, currently the largest Bitcoin mining pool, believes the exact opposite — that extra-protocol advantages make proof-of-work fair. Speaking with Cointelegraph, he said:

“In my opinion, the possibility of creating a new chip, accelerating the OS of a mining rig, or literally any other discovery that gives you an advantage in PoW mining is essentially the reason why PoW is the fairer 'cryptoeconomic' protocol. [...] PoS only relies on having the core asset; and the more you have the more you make. There is no other way to improve your situation in PoS mining, barring of course just purchasing more of the underlying staked asset.”

Equality of opportunity is what matters

Cointelegraph also spoke with Campbell R. Harvey, a professor of international business at Duke University, to learn more about the concept of economic disparity and how it relates to consensus mechanisms. Summarizing his position on the wealth disparity gap in blockchain economics, he said:

“Yes, one critique of PoS is that the rich get richer. In PoW, it is more of a business operation with the miners not needing to hold BTC, ETH, etc. In PoS, you need to hold.”

Harvey argues that the two systems have different economic natures, focusing on the business operation aspect of PoW — where miners can have negative profit, get outcompeted or fail entirely. He explained:

“I don’t think modern mining is an important factor for wealth distribution. Indeed, a large amount of mining becomes obsolete not because of age but because of fluctuations in BTC prices.”

When asked whether bulk discounts contribute toward wealth disparity, he replied that it is a normal economic phenomenon called scale efficiency. Mining is “no different than any other industry” according to him.

Harvey then explained that wealth inequality is generally expected in any free market system due to “differential natural endowment of skill” and luck. He continued:

“We usually focus on inequality of opportunity rather than wealth. In a free market, anyone with a good idea should be able to make it to the top 1%.”

From an opportunity standpoint, proof-of-stake systems are generally fair. Harvey pointed to the model of delegated proof-of-stake as an example, where “even small holders can participate in the miner rewards by delegating some of their stake.”

Staking pools and delegation models are generally present in any PoS system though, and they could be implemented through extra-protocol measures as well — similar to PoW mining pools.

But De La Torre argues that equality of opportunity applies to the ASIC mining industry as well. He explained:

“Historically, machines last a good three or four years before they are made obsolete — break, difficulty too high, etc. [...] Like we are seeing now, with the ending of the mighty [Bitmain] S9 era, the entire cycle of the mining industry begins again. This cycle is the creation of new miners, new OS [operating systems], the sourcing of cheaper electricity around the globe. This cycle also brings in new participants that want to take advantage of PoW mining.”

Mining is not always the same

Kristy Leigh-Minehan, former chief technology officer of Genesis Mining and one of the creators of ProgPow, believes that many of the equality concerns against PoW are specifically related to ASIC mining. When using consumer hardware to mine, their wide availability diminishes many of the supposedly unfair competitive practices. She explained:

“CPUs and GPUs have existing supply chains that are used to distribute to hundreds of thousands of individuals, every day, all over the world. So when you build a Proof of Work algorithm that takes advantage of that hardware, you're piggybacking on that supply chain and that distribution channel, instead of creating and inventing your own.”

In her view, ensuring that “Alice and Bob have the same capability of earning a coin” is crucial in designing a proper PoW algorithm. She conceded that miners will always tend to specialize and optimize their operations, so the key is to ensure that miners compete fairly “on the CapEx side.”

Capital expenditure, or CapEx, for ASICs can be reduced significantly for large players due to scale effects. On the other hand, GPUs and other consumer hardware are much cheaper and easier to source for average people, according to Minehan.

The fundamental contribution of PoW

Minehan is a strong believer in the contribution to network activity from GPU miners — especially early on. She emphasized that “humans don't want to spend their hard-earned fiat on magical internet money.” On the other hand, she believes contributing with already-owned computer power is a much more suitable proposition.

In truth, the concept of an initial coin offering is, essentially, spending fiat on “magical internet money.” But this could not have happened by itself — it is the result of the groundwork laid by Bitcoin and Ethereum. 

The former legitimized the entire concept of “magical internet money.” More than 17 months passed between the Bitcoin genesis block in January 2009 and the famous Bitcoin pizza transaction on May 22, 2010 — the first to give BTC a fiat value.

Ethereum built on this by being one of the first ICOs in 2013, and proving that the concept can work.

Distributing the initial Bitcoin would have been essentially impossible in a staking environment. It is only after the network is stabilized, Minehan argues, that the transition to staking can occur.

Wocom-Pyatt also highlighted PoW as a “high quality source of entropy” to ensure a fair distribution of tokens. Peercoin also relied on PoW for the initial distribution.

The systems are different, not necessarily better or worse

In conclusion, debates on the economic equality of proof-of-stake and proof-of-work are perhaps the wrong way to look about it, as Harvey suggested. It is difficult to conclude that one system centralizes wealth more than the other. 

In most PoW systems, the miners can gain unfair advantages over others — but they can also fail and lose their entire investment through no fault of their own, something that is normally impossible in PoS systems.

Wocom-Pyatt, whose project is a hybrid, summarized that “pure PoS is substantially different from pure PoW.”

He argues that hybridizing them allows Decred to benefit from the best of both worlds. The PoW side “works well as a means to gamify timestamping” and thus ensure immutability, but PoS is still needed to align incentives for governance.

Wocom-Pyatt believes that miners’ interests are not as strongly aligned with the cryptocurrency as for stakers, which leads to “shortcomings in the context of governance.”

Decred’s experience may suggest it is misguided to debate PoS in opposition to PoW. Combining both appears to shore up any perceived weaknesses that they may have individually — something that is not applicable to other blockchain debates, such as Ethash versus ProgPow.

But from a governance standpoint, the recent exchange takeover of Steem highlighted that those who control tokens are necessarily the owners of those tokens.

The second part of this series will feature an in-depth examination of how governance works in PoS and PoW.

Read More

Continue Reading

Spread & Containment

‘I couldn’t stand the pain’: the Turkish holiday resort that’s become an emergency dental centre for Britons who can’t get treated at home

The crisis in NHS dentistry is driving increasing numbers abroad for treatment. Here are some of their stories.

This clinic in the Turkish resort of Antalya is the official 'dental sponsor' of the Miss England competition. Diana Ibanez-Tirado, Author provided

It’s a hot summer day in the Turkish city of Antalya, a Mediterranean resort with golden beaches, deep blue sea and vibrant nightlife. The pool area of the all-inclusive resort is crammed with British people on sun loungers – but they aren’t here for a holiday. This hotel is linked to a dental clinic that organises treatment packages, and most of these guests are here to see a dentist.

From Norwich, two women talk about gums and injections. A man from Wales holds a tissue close to his mouth and spits blood – he has just had two molars extracted.

The dental clinic organises everything for these dental “tourists” throughout their treatment, which typically lasts from three to 15 days. The stories I hear of what has caused them to travel to Turkey are strikingly similar: all have struggled to secure dental treatment at home on the NHS.

“The hotel is nice and some days I go to the beach,” says Susan*, a hairdresser in her mid-30s from Norwich. “But really, we aren’t tourists like in a proper holiday. We come here because we have no choice. I couldn’t stand the pain.”

Seaside beach resort with mountains in the distance
The Turkish Mediterranean resort of Antalya. Akimov Konstantin/Shutterstock

This is Susan’s second visit to Antalya. She explains that her ordeal started two years earlier:

I went to an NHS dentist who told me I had gum disease … She did some cleaning to my teeth and gums but it got worse. When I ate, my teeth were moving … the gums were bleeding and it was very painful. I called to say I was in pain but the clinic was not accepting NHS patients any more.

The only option the dentist offered Susan was to register as a private patient:

I asked how much. They said £50 for x-rays and then if the gum disease got worse, £300 or so for extraction. Four of them were moving – imagine: £1,200 for losing your teeth! Without teeth I’d lose my clients, but I didn’t have the money. I’m a single mum. I called my mum and cried.

Susan’s mother told her about a friend of hers who had been to Turkey for treatment, then together they found a suitable clinic:

The prices are so much cheaper! Tooth extraction, x-rays, consultations – it all comes included. The flight and hotel for seven days cost the same as losing four teeth in Norwich … I had my lower teeth removed here six months ago, now I’ve got implants … £2,800 for everything – hotel, transfer, treatments. I only paid the flights separately.

In the UK, roughly half the adult population suffers from periodontitis – inflammation of the gums caused by plaque bacteria that can lead to irreversible loss of gums, teeth, and bone. Regular reviews by a dentist or hygienist are required to manage this condition. But nine out of ten dental practices cannot offer NHS appointments to new adult patients, while eight in ten are not accepting new child patients.

Some UK dentists argue that Britons who travel abroad for treatment do so mainly for cosmetic procedures. They warn that dental tourism is dangerous, and that if their treatment goes wrong, dentists in the UK will be unable to help because they don’t want to be responsible for further damage. Susan shrugs this off:

Dentists in England say: ‘If you go to Turkey, we won’t touch you [afterwards].’ But I don’t worry because there are no appointments at home anyway. They couldn’t help in the first place, and this is why we are in Turkey.

‘How can we pay all this money?’

As a social anthropologist, I travelled to Turkey a number of times in 2023 to investigate the crisis of NHS dentistry, and the journeys abroad that UK patients are increasingly making as a result. I have relatives in Istanbul and have been researching migration and trading patterns in Turkey’s largest city since 2016.

In August 2023, I visited the resort in Antalya, nearly 400 miles south of Istanbul. As well as Susan, I met a group from a village in Wales who said there was no provision of NHS dentistry back home. They had organised a two-week trip to Turkey: the 12-strong group included a middle-aged couple with two sons in their early 20s, and two couples who were pensioners. By going together, Anya tells me, they could support each other through their different treatments:

I’ve had many cavities since I was little … Before, you could see a dentist regularly – you didn’t even think about it. If you had pain or wanted a regular visit, you phoned and you went … That was in the 1990s, when I went to the dentist maybe every year.

Anya says that once she had children, her family and work commitments meant she had no time to go to the dentist. Then, years later, she started having serious toothache:

Every time I chewed something, it hurt. I ate soups and soft food, and I also lost weight … Even drinking was painful – tea: pain, cold water: pain. I was taking paracetamol all the time! I went to the dentist to fix all this, but there were no appointments.

Anya was told she would have to wait months, or find a dentist elsewhere:

A private clinic gave me a list of things I needed done. Oh my God, almost £6,000. My husband went too – same story. How can we pay all this money? So we decided to come to Turkey. Some people we know had been here, and others in the village wanted to come too. We’ve brought our sons too – they also need to be checked and fixed. Our whole family could be fixed for less than £6,000.

By the time they travelled, Anya’s dental problems had turned into a dental emergency. She says she could not live with the pain anymore, and was relying on paracetamol.

In 2023, about 6 million adults in the UK experienced protracted pain (lasting more than two weeks) caused by toothache. Unintentional paracetamol overdose due to dental pain is a significant cause of admissions to acute medical units. If left untreated, tooth infections can spread to other parts of the body and cause life-threatening complications – and on rare occasions, death.

In February 2024, police were called to manage hundreds of people queuing outside a newly opened dental clinic in Bristol, all hoping to be registered or seen by an NHS dentist. One in ten Britons have admitted to performing “DIY dentistry”, of which 20% did so because they could not find a timely appointment. This includes people pulling out their teeth with pliers and using superglue to repair their teeth.

In the 1990s, dentistry was almost entirely provided through NHS services, with only around 500 solely private dentists registered. Today, NHS dentist numbers in England are at their lowest level in a decade, with 23,577 dentists registered to perform NHS work in 2022-23, down 695 on the previous year. Furthermore, the precise division of NHS and private work that each dentist provides is not measured.

The COVID pandemic created longer waiting lists for NHS treatment in an already stretched public service. In Bridlington, Yorkshire, people are now reportedly having to wait eight-to-nine years to get an NHS dental appointment with the only remaining NHS dentist in the town.

In his book Patients of the State (2012), Argentine sociologist Javier Auyero describes the “indignities of waiting”. It is the poor who are mostly forced to wait, he writes. Queues for state benefits and public services constitute a tangible form of power over the marginalised. There is an ethnic dimension to this story, too. Data suggests that in the UK, patients less likely to be effective in booking an NHS dental appointment are non-white ethnic groups and Gypsy or Irish travellers, and that it is particularly challenging for refugees and asylum-seekers to access dental care.


This article is part of Conversation Insights
The Insights team generates long-form journalism derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.


In 2022, I experienced my own dental emergency. An infected tooth was causing me debilitating pain, and needed root canal treatment. I was advised this would cost £71 on the NHS, plus £307 for a follow-up crown – but that I would have to wait months for an appointment. The pain became excruciating – I could not sleep, let alone wait for months. In the same clinic, privately, I was quoted £1,300 for the treatment (more than half my monthly income at the time), or £295 for a tooth extraction.

I did not want to lose my tooth because of lack of money. So I bought a flight to Istanbul immediately for the price of the extraction in the UK, and my tooth was treated with root canal therapy by a private dentist there for £80. Including the costs of travelling, the total was a third of what I was quoted to be treated privately in the UK. Two years on, my treated tooth hasn’t given me any more problems.

A better quality of life

Not everyone is in Antalya for emergency procedures. The pensioners from Wales had contacted numerous clinics they found on the internet, comparing prices, treatments and hotel packages at least a year in advance, in a carefully planned trip to get dental implants – artificial replacements for tooth roots that help support dentures, crowns and bridges.

Street view of a dental clinic in Antalya, Turkey
Dental clinic in Antalya, Turkey. Diana Ibanez-Tirado, CC BY-NC-ND

In Turkey, all the dentists I speak to (most of whom cater mainly for foreigners, including UK nationals) consider implants not a cosmetic or luxurious treatment, but a development in dentistry that gives patients who are able to have the procedure a much better quality of life. This procedure is not available on the NHS for most of the UK population, and the patients I meet in Turkey could not afford implants in private clinics back home.

Paul is in Antalya to replace his dentures, which have become uncomfortable and irritating to his gums, with implants. He says he couldn’t find an appointment to see an NHS dentist. His wife Sonia went through a similar procedure the year before and is very satisfied with the results, telling me: “Why have dentures that you need to put in a glass overnight, in the old style? If you can have implants, I say, you’re better off having them.”

Most of the dental tourists I meet in Antalya are white British: this city, known as the Turkish Riviera, has developed an entire economy catering to English-speaking tourists. In 2023, more than 1.3 million people visited the city from the UK, up almost 15% on the previous year.


Read more: NHS dentistry is in crisis – are overseas dentists the answer?


In contrast, the Britons I meet in Istanbul are predominantly from a non-white ethnic background. Omar, a pensioner of Pakistani origin in his early 70s, has come here after waiting “half a year” for an NHS appointment to fix the dental bridge that is causing him pain. Omar’s son had been previously for a hair transplant, and was offered a free dental checkup by the same clinic, so he suggested it to his father. Having worked as a driver for a manufacturing company for two decades in Birmingham, Omar says he feels disappointed to have contributed to the British economy for so long, only to be “let down” by the NHS:

At home, I must wait and wait and wait to get a bridge – and then I had many problems with it. I couldn’t eat because the bridge was uncomfortable and I was in pain, but there were no appointments on the NHS. I asked a private dentist and they recommended implants, but they are far too expensive [in the UK]. I started losing weight, which is not a bad thing at the beginning, but then I was worrying because I couldn’t chew and eat well and was losing more weight … Here in Istanbul, I got dental implants – US$500 each, problem solved! In England, each implant is maybe £2,000 or £3,000.

In the waiting area of another clinic in Istanbul, I meet Mariam, a British woman of Iraqi background in her late 40s, who is making her second visit to the dentist here. Initially, she needed root canal therapy after experiencing severe pain for weeks. Having been quoted £1,200 in a private clinic in outer London, Mariam decided to fly to Istanbul instead, where she was quoted £150 by a dentist she knew through her large family. Even considering the cost of the flight, Mariam says the decision was obvious:

Dentists in England are so expensive and NHS appointments so difficult to find. It’s awful there, isn’t it? Dentists there blamed me for my rotten teeth. They say it’s my fault: I don’t clean or I ate sugar, or this or that. I grew up in a village in Iraq and didn’t go to the dentist – we were very poor. Then we left because of war, so we didn’t go to a dentist … When I arrived in London more than 20 years ago, I didn’t speak English, so I still didn’t go to the dentist … I think when you move from one place to another, you don’t go to the dentist unless you are in real, real pain.

In Istanbul, Mariam has opted not only for the urgent root canal treatment but also a longer and more complex treatment suggested by her consultant, who she says is a renowned doctor from Syria. This will include several extractions and implants of back and front teeth, and when I ask what she thinks of achieving a “Hollywood smile”, Mariam says:

Who doesn’t want a nice smile? I didn’t come here to be a model. I came because I was in pain, but I know this doctor is the best for implants, and my front teeth were rotten anyway.

Dentists in the UK warn about the risks of “overtreatment” abroad, but Mariam appears confident that this is her opportunity to solve all her oral health problems. Two of her sisters have already been through a similar treatment, so they all trust this doctor.

Alt text
An Istanbul clinic founded by Afghan dentists has a message for its UK customers. Diana Ibanez-Tirado, CC BY-NC-ND

The UK’s ‘dental deserts’

To get a fuller understanding of the NHS dental crisis, I’ve also conducted 20 interviews in the UK with people who have travelled or were considering travelling abroad for dental treatment.

Joan, a 50-year-old woman from Exeter, tells me she considered going to Turkey and could have afforded it, but that her back and knee problems meant she could not brave the trip. She has lost all her lower front teeth due to gum disease and, when I meet her, has been waiting 13 months for an NHS dental appointment. Joan tells me she is living in “shame”, unable to smile.

In the UK, areas with extremely limited provision of NHS dental services – known as as “dental deserts” – include densely populated urban areas such as Portsmouth and Greater Manchester, as well as many rural and coastal areas.

In Felixstowe, the last dentist taking NHS patients went private in 2023, despite the efforts of the activist group Toothless in Suffolk to secure better access to NHS dentists in the area. It’s a similar story in Ripon, Yorkshire, and in Dumfries & Galloway, Scotland, where nearly 25,000 patients have been de-registered from NHS dentists since 2021.

Data shows that 2 million adults must travel at least 40 miles within the UK to access dental care. Branding travel for dental care as “tourism” carries the risk of disguising the elements of duress under which patients move to restore their oral health – nationally and internationally. It also hides the immobility of those who cannot undertake such journeys.

The 90-year-old woman in Dumfries & Galloway who now faces travelling for hours by bus to see an NHS dentist can hardly be considered “tourism” – nor the Ukrainian war refugees who travelled back from West Sussex and Norwich to Ukraine, rather than face the long wait to see an NHS dentist.

Many people I have spoken to cannot afford the cost of transport to attend dental appointments two hours away – or they have care responsibilities that make it impossible. Instead, they are forced to wait in pain, in the hope of one day securing an appointment closer to home.

Billboard advertising a dental clinic in Turkey
Dental clinics have mushroomed in recent years in Turkey, thanks to the influx of foreign patients seeking a wide range of treatments. Diana Ibanez-Tirado, CC BY-NC-ND

‘Your crisis is our business’

The indignities of waiting in the UK are having a big impact on the lives of some local and foreign dentists in Turkey. Some neighbourhoods are rapidly changing as dental and other health clinics, usually in luxurious multi-storey glass buildings, mushroom. In the office of one large Istanbul medical complex with sections for hair transplants and dentistry (plus one linked to a hospital for more extensive cosmetic surgery), its Turkish owner and main investor tells me:

Your crisis is our business, but this is a bazaar. There are good clinics and bad clinics, and unfortunately sometimes foreign patients do not know which one to choose. But for us, the business is very good.

This clinic only caters to foreign patients. The owner, an architect by profession who also developed medical clinics in Brazil, describes how COVID had a major impact on his business:

When in Europe you had COVID lockdowns, Turkey allowed foreigners to come. Many people came for ‘medical tourism’ – we had many patients for cosmetic surgery and hair transplants. And that was when the dental business started, because our patients couldn’t see a dentist in Germany or England. Then more and more patients started to come for dental treatments, especially from the UK and Ireland. For them, it’s very, very cheap here.

The reasons include the value of the Turkish lira relative to the British pound, the low cost of labour, the increasing competition among Turkish clinics, and the sheer motivation of dentists here. While most dentists catering to foreign patients are from Turkey, others have arrived seeking refuge from war and violence in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran and beyond. They work diligently to rebuild their lives, careers and lost wealth.

Regardless of their origin, all dentists in Turkey must be registered and certified. Hamed, a Syrian dentist and co-owner of a new clinic in Istanbul catering to European and North American patients, tells me:

I know that you say ‘Syrian’ and people think ‘migrant’, ‘refugee’, and maybe think ‘how can this dentist be good?’ – but Syria, before the war, had very good doctors and dentists. Many of us came to Turkey and now I have a Turkish passport. I had to pass the exams to practise dentistry here – I study hard. The exams are in Turkish and they are difficult, so you cannot say that Syrian doctors are stupid.

Hamed talks excitedly about the latest technology that is coming to his profession: “There are always new materials and techniques, and we cannot stop learning.” He is about to travel to Paris to an international conference:

I can say my techniques are very advanced … I bet I put more implants and do more bone grafting and surgeries every week than any dentist you know in England. A good dentist is about practice and hand skills and experience. I work hard, very hard, because more and more patients are arriving to my clinic, because in England they don’t find dentists.

Dental equipment in a Turkish treatment room
Dentists in Turkey boast of using the latest technology. Diana Ibanez-Tirado, CC BY-NC-ND

While there is no official data about the number of people travelling from the UK to Turkey for dental treatment, investors and dentists I speak to consider that numbers are rocketing. From all over the world, Turkey received 1.2 million visitors for “medical tourism” in 2022, an increase of 308% on the previous year. Of these, about 250,000 patients went for dentistry. One of the most renowned dental clinics in Istanbul had only 15 British patients in 2019, but that number increased to 2,200 in 2023 and is expected to reach 5,500 in 2024.

Like all forms of medical care, dental treatments carry risks. Most clinics in Turkey offer a ten-year guarantee for treatments and a printed clinical history of procedures carried out, so patients can show this to their local dentists and continue their regular annual care in the UK. Dental treatments, checkups and maintaining a good oral health is a life-time process, not a one-off event.

Many UK patients, however, are caught between a rock and a hard place – criticised for going abroad, yet unable to get affordable dental care in the UK before and after their return. The British Dental Association has called for more action to inform these patients about the risks of getting treated overseas – and has warned UK dentists about the legal implications of treating these patients on their return. But this does not address the difficulties faced by British patients who are being forced to go abroad in search of affordable, often urgent dental care.

A global emergency

The World Health Organization states that the explosion of oral disease around the world is a result of the “negligent attitude” that governments, policymakers and insurance companies have towards including oral healthcare under the umbrella of universal healthcare. It as if the health of our teeth and mouth is optional; somehow less important than treatment to the rest of our body. Yet complications from untreated tooth decay can lead to hospitalisation.

The main causes of oral health diseases are untreated tooth decay, severe gum disease, toothlessness, and cancers of the lip and oral cavity. Cases grew during the pandemic, when little or no attention was paid to oral health. Meanwhile, the global cosmetic dentistry market is predicted to continue growing at an annual rate of 13% for the rest of this decade, confirming the strong relationship between socioeconomic status and access to oral healthcare.

In the UK since 2018, there have been more than 218,000 admissions to hospital for rotting teeth, of which more than 100,000 were children. Some 40% of children in the UK have not seen a dentist in the past 12 months. The role of dentists in prevention of tooth decay and its complications, and in the early detection of mouth cancer, is vital. While there is a 90% survival rate for mouth cancer if spotted early, the lack of access to dental appointments is causing cases to go undetected.

The reasons for the crisis in NHS dentistry are complex, but include: the real-term cuts in funding to NHS dentistry; the challenges of recruitment and retention of dentists in rural and coastal areas; pay inequalities facing dental nurses, most of them women, who are being badly hit by the cost of living crisis; and, in England, the 2006 Dental Contract that does not remunerate dentists in a way that encourages them to continue seeing NHS patients.

The UK is suffering a mass exodus of the public dentistry workforce, with workers leaving the profession entirely or shifting to the private sector, where payments and life-work balance are better, bureaucracy is reduced, and prospects for career development look much better. A survey of general dental practitioners found that around half have reduced their NHS work since the pandemic – with 43% saying they were likely to go fully private, and 42% considering a career change or taking early retirement.

Reversing the UK’s dental crisis requires more commitment to substantial reform and funding than the “recovery plan” announced by Victoria Atkins, the secretary of state for health and social care, on February 7.

The stories I have gathered show that people travelling abroad for dental treatment don’t see themselves as “tourists” or vanity-driven consumers of the “Hollywood smile”. Rather, they have been forced by the crisis in NHS dentistry to seek out a service 1,500 miles away in Turkey that should be a basic, affordable right for all, on their own doorstep.

*Names in this article have been changed to protect the anonymity of the interviewees.


For you: more from our Insights series:

To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

Diana Ibanez Tirado receives funding from the School of Global Studies, University of Sussex.

Read More

Continue Reading

International

Beloved mall retailer files Chapter 7 bankruptcy, will liquidate

The struggling chain has given up the fight and will close hundreds of stores around the world.

Published

on

It has been a brutal period for several popular retailers. The fallout from the covid pandemic and a challenging economic environment have pushed numerous chains into bankruptcy with Tuesday Morning, Christmas Tree Shops, and Bed Bath & Beyond all moving from Chapter 11 to Chapter 7 bankruptcy liquidation.

In all three of those cases, the companies faced clear financial pressures that led to inventory problems and vendors demanding faster, or even upfront payment. That creates a sort of inevitability.

Related: Beloved retailer finds life after bankruptcy, new famous owner

When a retailer faces financial pressure it sets off a cycle where vendors become wary of selling them items. That leads to barren shelves and no ability for the chain to sell its way out of its financial problems. 

Once that happens bankruptcy generally becomes the only option. Sometimes that means a Chapter 11 filing which gives the company a chance to negotiate with its creditors. In some cases, deals can be worked out where vendors extend longer terms or even forgive some debts, and banks offer an extension of loan terms.

In other cases, new funding can be secured which assuages vendor concerns or the company might be taken over by its vendors. Sometimes, as was the case with David's Bridal, a new owner steps in, adds new money, and makes deals with creditors in order to give the company a new lease on life.

It's rare that a retailer moves directly into Chapter 7 bankruptcy and decides to liquidate without trying to find a new source of funding.

Mall traffic has varied depending upon the type of mall.

Image source: Getty Images

The Body Shop has bad news for customers  

The Body Shop has been in a very public fight for survival. Fears began when the company closed half of its locations in the United Kingdom. That was followed by a bankruptcy-style filing in Canada and an abrupt closure of its U.S. stores on March 4.

"The Canadian subsidiary of the global beauty and cosmetics brand announced it has started restructuring proceedings by filing a Notice of Intention (NOI) to Make a Proposal pursuant to the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act (Canada). In the same release, the company said that, as of March 1, 2024, The Body Shop US Limited has ceased operations," Chain Store Age reported.

A message on the company's U.S. website shared a simple message that does not appear to be the entire story.

"We're currently undergoing planned maintenance, but don't worry we're due to be back online soon."

That same message is still on the company's website, but a new filing makes it clear that the site is not down for maintenance, it's down for good.

The Body Shop files for Chapter 7 bankruptcy

While the future appeared bleak for The Body Shop, fans of the brand held out hope that a savior would step in. That's not going to be the case. 

The Body Shop filed for Chapter 7 bankruptcy in the United States.

"The US arm of the ethical cosmetics group has ceased trading at its 50 outlets. On Saturday (March 9), it filed for Chapter 7 insolvency, under which assets are sold off to clear debts, putting about 400 jobs at risk including those in a distribution center that still holds millions of dollars worth of stock," The Guardian reported.

After its closure in the United States, the survival of the brand remains very much in doubt. About half of the chain's stores in the United Kingdom remain open along with its Australian stores. 

The future of those stores remains very much in doubt and the chain has shared that it needs new funding in order for them to continue operating.

The Body Shop did not respond to a request for comment from TheStreet.   

Read More

Continue Reading

Government

Are Voters Recoiling Against Disorder?

Are Voters Recoiling Against Disorder?

Authored by Michael Barone via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The headlines coming out of the Super…

Published

on

Are Voters Recoiling Against Disorder?

Authored by Michael Barone via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The headlines coming out of the Super Tuesday primaries have got it right. Barring cataclysmic changes, Donald Trump and Joe Biden will be the Republican and Democratic nominees for president in 2024.

(Left) President Joe Biden delivers remarks on canceling student debt at Culver City Julian Dixon Library in Culver City, Calif., on Feb. 21, 2024. (Right) Republican presidential candidate and former U.S. President Donald Trump stands on stage during a campaign event at Big League Dreams Las Vegas in Las Vegas, Nev., on Jan. 27, 2024. (Mario Tama/Getty Images; David Becker/Getty Images)

With Nikki Haley’s withdrawal, there will be no more significantly contested primaries or caucuses—the earliest both parties’ races have been over since something like the current primary-dominated system was put in place in 1972.

The primary results have spotlighted some of both nominees’ weaknesses.

Donald Trump lost high-income, high-educated constituencies, including the entire metro area—aka the Swamp. Many but by no means all Haley votes there were cast by Biden Democrats. Mr. Trump can’t afford to lose too many of the others in target states like Pennsylvania and Michigan.

Majorities and large minorities of voters in overwhelmingly Latino counties in Texas’s Rio Grande Valley and some in Houston voted against Joe Biden, and even more against Senate nominee Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas).

Returns from Hispanic precincts in New Hampshire and Massachusetts show the same thing. Mr. Biden can’t afford to lose too many Latino votes in target states like Arizona and Georgia.

When Mr. Trump rode down that escalator in 2015, commentators assumed he’d repel Latinos. Instead, Latino voters nationally, and especially the closest eyewitnesses of Biden’s open-border policy, have been trending heavily Republican.

High-income liberal Democrats may sport lawn signs proclaiming, “In this house, we believe ... no human is illegal.” The logical consequence of that belief is an open border. But modest-income folks in border counties know that flows of illegal immigrants result in disorder, disease, and crime.

There is plenty of impatience with increased disorder in election returns below the presidential level. Consider Los Angeles County, America’s largest county, with nearly 10 million people, more people than 40 of the 50 states. It voted 71 percent for Mr. Biden in 2020.

Current returns show county District Attorney George Gascon winning only 21 percent of the vote in the nonpartisan primary. He’ll apparently face Republican Nathan Hochman, a critic of his liberal policies, in November.

Gascon, elected after the May 2020 death of counterfeit-passing suspect George Floyd in Minneapolis, is one of many county prosecutors supported by billionaire George Soros. His policies include not charging juveniles as adults, not seeking higher penalties for gang membership or use of firearms, and bringing fewer misdemeanor cases.

The predictable result has been increased car thefts, burglaries, and personal robberies. Some 120 assistant district attorneys have left the office, and there’s a backlog of 10,000 unprosecuted cases.

More than a dozen other Soros-backed and similarly liberal prosecutors have faced strong opposition or have left office.

St. Louis prosecutor Kim Gardner resigned last May amid lawsuits seeking her removal, Milwaukee’s John Chisholm retired in January, and Baltimore’s Marilyn Mosby was defeated in July 2022 and convicted of perjury in September 2023. Last November, Loudoun County, Virginia, voters (62 percent Biden) ousted liberal Buta Biberaj, who declined to prosecute a transgender student for assault, and in June 2022 voters in San Francisco (85 percent Biden) recalled famed radical Chesa Boudin.

Similarly, this Tuesday, voters in San Francisco passed ballot measures strengthening police powers and requiring treatment of drug-addicted welfare recipients.

In retrospect, it appears the Floyd video, appearing after three months of COVID-19 confinement, sparked a frenzied, even crazed reaction, especially among the highly educated and articulate. One fatal incident was seen as proof that America’s “systemic racism” was worse than ever and that police forces should be defunded and perhaps abolished.

2020 was “the year America went crazy,” I wrote in January 2021, a year in which police funding was actually cut by Democrats in New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle, and Denver. A year in which young New York Times (NYT) staffers claimed they were endangered by the publication of Sen. Tom Cotton’s (R-Ark.) opinion article advocating calling in military forces if necessary to stop rioting, as had been done in Detroit in 1967 and Los Angeles in 1992. A craven NYT publisher even fired the editorial page editor for running the article.

Evidence of visible and tangible discontent with increasing violence and its consequences—barren and locked shelves in Manhattan chain drugstores, skyrocketing carjackings in Washington, D.C.—is as unmistakable in polls and election results as it is in daily life in large metropolitan areas. Maybe 2024 will turn out to be the year even liberal America stopped acting crazy.

Chaos and disorder work against incumbents, as they did in 1968 when Democrats saw their party’s popular vote fall from 61 percent to 43 percent.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times or ZeroHedge.

Tyler Durden Sat, 03/09/2024 - 23:20

Read More

Continue Reading

Trending