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If Not Now, Then When? One Bank Makes The Case For Fed Easing Tomorrow

If Not Now, Then When? One Bank Makes The Case For Fed Easing Tomorrow
Tyler Durden
Tue, 12/15/2020 – 20:05

With stocks at record highs (prices and valuations), and credit spreads at record tights (despite record leverage), most expect ‘more.

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If Not Now, Then When? One Bank Makes The Case For Fed Easing Tomorrow Tyler Durden Tue, 12/15/2020 - 20:05

With stocks at record highs (prices and valuations), and credit spreads at record tights (despite record leverage), most expect 'more of the same' from The Fed's finally statement and press conference tomorrow in terms of promises to do more but not actually doing it... and applying more verbal pressure for fiscal support (heaven forbid they step in and bail out Washington's utterly devastating gridlock on the COVID Relief Bill).

In fact, as WSJ's Michael Derby reports, some suspect The Fed may even lift rates (just not the way most think).

Downward pressure in the Federal Reserve's fed funds rate could drive the Fed to lift its interest on excess reserves rate at the end of its Federal Open Market Committee meeting. For a variety of reasons, financial markets are facing downward pressure on money market rates, and to ensure the fed funds rate trades in the middle of the 0% to 0.25% range, some see the Fed making technical adjustments.

Scott Skyrm of money market trading firm Curvature Securities says that instead of lifting the IOER rate as it has in the past, the Fed could instead lift the reverse repo rate. As with these sorts of changes that have taken place in the past, such a change would be purely technical and signal no change in monetary policy.

But, Standard Chartered's Steve Englander and John Davies believe instead that, for Jay Powell and his merry men (and women), there is too much uncertainty not to act, and they will take an even more dovish stance.

  • We see duration extension as likely: least offensive to hawks and useful with or without fiscal stimulus

  • The case for Fed stimulus is likely to be weaker as time goes on

  • End-2020, early 2021 could be difficult with COVID-19 surging, without fiscal stimulus

  • Increased Fed stimulus could be explicitly limited in duration or conditional on economic targets

Fed easing limited by desire to maintain FOMC consensus

We expect the FOMC to ease monetary policy on 16 December, most likely by increasing the duration of its Treasury portfolio. It may also increase asset purchases or otherwise signal its willingness to support the economy and asset markets, but these may be explicitly temporary or tied to economic outcomes. FOMC meeting minutes and Fed comments suggest that the FOMC could give some longer-term guidance on what would eventually lead to a slowing or ending of asset purchases.

Taken together, these steps may be enough to limit the backing up of bond yields on a fiscal deal in Congress and encourage yields lower, faster, absent a deal. Paradoxically, there may be more need for increased asset purchases in the event of a deal, because of the need to demonstrate a soft commitment to capping bond yields. The key question is whether the Fed is concerned simply about a run-up in yields rather than its underlying drivers. Yield spikes in March and June were primarily driven by the real yield component, but the recent steepening bias has been driven by the breakeven, reflecting recovery and reflation optimism (Figure 1).

A Fed easing move associated with fiscal stimulus would be USD-negative, in our view, with the USD selling both on associated asset market optimism and a Fed move that could put further downward pressure on real rates. Easing in the absence of stimulus probably would not offset USD appreciation on pessimism. We think the USD would appreciate on fiscal stimulus unless the Fed limited bond yield increases. This would raise the risk of a taper tantrum at the long end of the yield curve.

FOMC faces uncertainty on multiple fronts

Sometimes the economy is bad, but policy is easy because there are few options other than to ease. Sometimes the economic outlook is more middling, but there are so many dimensions of uncertainty that the policy decision is more difficult.

The uncertainty on fiscal stimulus is well discussed. As of 14 December, it looks as if some progress towards an agreement is being made, but we have been in this position before. Congress is aware that special unemployment measures for those affected by COVID-19 will expire 26 December, so there could be some significant income stresses among those who have no savings or ability to borrow.

Policy makers and market participants have become somewhat inured to large spending numbers. If policy makers gave a USD 300 per week supplement for 20mn unemployed for 20 weeks, the cost would be about USD 120bn. An outright grant of USD 600 per person to the 250mn poorest US residents (roughly 75% of the US population, USD 2,400 for a family of four) would cost USD 150bn. These are big income support numbers, but much smaller than the packages under discussion. USD 900bn spent over four months is 14% of GDP over that period (not annualised).

Personal income has been higher since April than the pre-COVID-19 February high, with transfers more than making up for lost wage and salary income. Without stimulus, personal income would very likely fall below February 2020 levels in January 2021, but possibly in November or December 2020. The 5 November FOMC meeting minutes alluded to strong household savings as a factor that could mitigate the impact of a fiscal impasse. A duration increase or even added QE would do little to maintain aggregate demand if the fiscal talks failed, but could reduce the degree of financial-market tension. This is especially the case because the year-end, the end of exceptional unemployment benefits and the end of Section 13 (3) Fed programmes will essentially coincide. If a fiscal deal is passed, the duration move would limit the backing up of yields.

If not now, then when?

The intensification of COVID-19 is likely to last at least through the holiday season; lockdowns are increasing, and initial and continuing unemployment claims are rising. The next two or three months are likely to be the nadir in activity. For the Fed, we see it as pointless to move at the end-January 2021 meeting, because much of the damage will likely have already been done and the beneficial impact of the vaccine would be on the horizon. We earlier made the case that the Fed could move intra-meeting if economic conditions deteriorated (FOMC could move before 16 December), but the deterioration in labour-market conditions has only recently become visible. The logic of ‘if you are going to move, sooner is better than later’ still applies. The FOMC minutes and some recent speakers indicated that an increase in the average duration of the Fed portfolio is more acceptable than an increased pace of buying.

Does the Fed feel lucky today?

The Fed might be able to get away with doing nothing and sending the message that it is poised to move quickly if conditions deteriorate.

The question is whether it wants to take this chance. The Fed could reasonably indicate that it was acting preemptively to prevent bond yields and risk spreads from rising prematurely, and willing to take the risk that the added measures would turn out to be unnecessary in retrospect.

Compromise with conditional move?

The FOMC compromise could be to act on the duration and possibly the size of asset purchases, but make the move temporary or set to unwind if economic conditions improved.

This would give the economy and financial markets the immediate benefit of added liquidity and avoid the question of how aggressively the Fed wants to informally cap rates until it is confident of self-sustaining recovery.

What message does the FOMC want to send on the balance sheet?

Investors have been debating and the Fed has been reticent to disclose how the Fed expects to use the balance sheet to hit economic targets. The FOMC minutes and some recent Fed speakers suggested that Fed policy makers were closer to agreement on the role of the balance sheet.

We and many in the market expect the FOMC to indicate that the balance sheet will stop increasing before policy rates are raised. We doubt that they will provide Taylorrule specificity for the use of asset purchases. Most likely the FOMC will indicate that the beginning of the pullback in the balance sheet will be driven by the judgment that the effective lower bound is no longer a binding restraint, so there is no need to act on the long end because there is no policy option at the short end.

Fed guidance on how far the balance sheet will shrink will likely be vaguer. The FOMC may indicate that in recovery the balance sheet will be shrunk as much as possible without risking a shortage of reserves or steep backing up of financial conditions.

UST impact of any duration extension may depend on fiscal progress

The latest survey evidence shows that the consensus expectation is not for the Fed to extend the duration of its UST purchases at this meeting. Only 23% of those polled in a recent Bloomberg survey expected such a decision. Even fewer expected the Fed to increase the pace of its QE purchases. Hence, if the Fed does take the duration extension option this week, this could be a UST-positive surprise, especially if it also provides reasonably dovish forward guidance around the outlook for its QE programme. Such a decision, in our view, would provide a clear signal that the Fed remains concerned about the risk of sustained curve steepening, near-term at least, given the deteriorating COVID backdrop.

Since April, we have held the view that the Fed’s UST buying activity in March suggested it was uncomfortable with the 10Y UST yield rising much above 1%. We felt this view was supported by the ultra-dovish language at the 10 June FOMC meeting following the sudden jump in yields at the start of that month. In both March and June, however, the real yield component played a key role in the rise in the nominal 10Y yield, which we argued would have sat very uneasily with the Fed from a theoretical standpoint. More recently, the breakeven component has been the driver of the rise in the nominal yield, reflecting vaccine-based reflation and recovery optimism (Figure 1).

A decision to extend duration at this point would therefore signal that the Fed remains wary of nominal long-end yields rising too far, too fast. While the immediate response by the UST curve to such a decision should be some modest bull flattening, it is rarely a case of ceteris paribus. The other main source of event risk for the UST market in the very near term is the lingering possibility that Congress will pass a fiscal support package. While any duration extension is supportive of long-end UST demand, a fiscal support package is likely to increase long-end UST supply via primary-market issuance and secondary-market reflation speculators. Hence, the arrival of a fiscal support package shortly after or before the December FOMC meeting would likely limit the scope for bull flattening. So far, speculation on the likelihood of fiscal stimulus has been the biggest driver of bond yields, in our view. To push rates well below current levels, a clear indication may be needed of how far the Fed will tolerate rates backing up, combined with a commitment to act on it.

A modest duration extension decision this week would probably not offset the impact of a fiscal support deal, especially if there were some conditionality or indication that the move was temporary. If the surprise were bigger and if overall QE were increased, investors could take away a sense of sufficiently significant Fed commitment that the Fed move would emerge as the main yield driver.

The key upside risk to UST yields this week would therefore be a fiscal support deal in Congress but an on-hold Fed. However, we would still be sceptical that the 10Y UST yield would move sharply above 1% as a result, given COVID-related economic challenges ahead and the possibility that a duration-extension has only been delayed until early next year. The same Bloomberg survey showed 43% of those polled expected such a policy move during Q1.

Conversely, the downside risk to yields is a duration extension decision but no fiscal package. We believe the curve steepening bias seen over recent months has been driven by a combination of fiscal support hopes and vaccine optimism. We think this explains why the 10Y UST term premium has decoupled from the pull of the expanding global stock of negative-yielding debt (Figure 2).

If fiscal support hopes were denied, at least for the near term, we would expect a swift pull-back in the term premium to realign more closely with the level of negative-yielding debt.

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Survey Shows Declining Concerns Among Americans About COVID-19

Survey Shows Declining Concerns Among Americans About COVID-19

A new survey reveals that only 20% of Americans view covid-19 as "a major threat"…

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Survey Shows Declining Concerns Among Americans About COVID-19

A new survey reveals that only 20% of Americans view covid-19 as "a major threat" to the health of the US population - a sharp decline from a high of 67% in July 2020.

(SARMDY/Shutterstock)

What's more, the Pew Research Center survey conducted from Feb. 7 to Feb. 11 showed that just 10% of Americans are concerned that they will  catch the disease and require hospitalization.

"This data represents a low ebb of public concern about the virus that reached its height in the summer and fall of 2020, when as many as two-thirds of Americans viewed COVID-19 as a major threat to public health," reads the report, which was published March 7.

According to the survey, half of the participants understand the significance of researchers and healthcare providers in understanding and treating long COVID - however 27% of participants consider this issue less important, while 22% of Americans are unaware of long COVID.

What's more, while Democrats were far more worried than Republicans in the past, that gap has narrowed significantly.

"In the pandemic’s first year, Democrats were routinely about 40 points more likely than Republicans to view the coronavirus as a major threat to the health of the U.S. population. This gap has waned as overall levels of concern have fallen," reads the report.

More via the Epoch Times;

The survey found that three in ten Democrats under 50 have received an updated COVID-19 vaccine, compared with 66 percent of Democrats ages 65 and older.

Moreover, 66 percent of Democrats ages 65 and older have received the updated COVID-19 vaccine, while only 24 percent of Republicans ages 65 and older have done so.

“This 42-point partisan gap is much wider now than at other points since the start of the outbreak. For instance, in August 2021, 93 percent of older Democrats and 78 percent of older Republicans said they had received all the shots needed to be fully vaccinated (a 15-point gap),” it noted.

COVID-19 No Longer an Emergency

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently issued its updated recommendations for the virus, which no longer require people to stay home for five days after testing positive for COVID-19.

The updated guidance recommends that people who contracted a respiratory virus stay home, and they can resume normal activities when their symptoms improve overall and their fever subsides for 24 hours without medication.

“We still must use the commonsense solutions we know work to protect ourselves and others from serious illness from respiratory viruses, this includes vaccination, treatment, and staying home when we get sick,” CDC director Dr. Mandy Cohen said in a statement.

The CDC said that while the virus remains a threat, it is now less likely to cause severe illness because of widespread immunity and improved tools to prevent and treat the disease.

Importantly, states and countries that have already adjusted recommended isolation times have not seen increased hospitalizations or deaths related to COVID-19,” it stated.

The federal government suspended its free at-home COVID-19 test program on March 8, according to a website set up by the government, following a decrease in COVID-19-related hospitalizations.

According to the CDC, hospitalization rates for COVID-19 and influenza diseases remain “elevated” but are decreasing in some parts of the United States.

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 22:45

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Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run – Musk Says “I Would Support”

Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run – Musk Says "I Would Support"

Republican Kentucky Senator Rand Paul on Friday hinted that he may jump…

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Rand Paul Teases Senate GOP Leader Run - Musk Says "I Would Support"

Republican Kentucky Senator Rand Paul on Friday hinted that he may jump into the race to become the next Senate GOP leader, and Elon Musk was quick to support the idea. Republicans must find a successor for periodically malfunctioning Mitch McConnell, who recently announced he'll step down in November, though intending to keep his Senate seat until his term ends in January 2027, when he'd be within weeks of turning 86. 

So far, the announced field consists of two quintessential establishment types: John Cornyn of Texas and John Thune of South Dakota. While John Barrasso's name had been thrown around as one of "The Three Johns" considered top contenders, the Wyoming senator on Tuesday said he'll instead seek the number two slot as party whip. 

Paul used X to tease his potential bid for the position which -- if the GOP takes back the upper chamber in November -- could graduate from Minority Leader to Majority Leader. He started by telling his 5.1 million followers he'd had lots of people asking him about his interest in running...

...then followed up with a poll in which he predictably annihilated Cornyn and Thune, taking a 96% share as of Friday night, with the other two below 2% each. 

Elon Musk was quick to back the idea of Paul as GOP leader, while daring Cornyn and Thune to follow Paul's lead by throwing their names out for consideration by the Twitter-verse X-verse. 

Paul has been a stalwart opponent of security-state mass surveillance, foreign interventionism -- to include shoveling billions of dollars into the proxy war in Ukraine -- and out-of-control spending in general. He demonstrated the latter passion on the Senate floor this week as he ridiculed the latest kick-the-can spending package:   

In February, Paul used Senate rules to force his colleagues into a grueling Super Bowl weekend of votes, as he worked to derail a $95 billion foreign aid bill. "I think we should stay here as long as it takes,” said Paul. “If it takes a week or a month, I’ll force them to stay here to discuss why they think the border of Ukraine is more important than the US border.”

Don't expect a Majority Leader Paul to ditch the filibuster -- he's been a hardy user of the legislative delay tactic. In 2013, he spoke for 13 hours to fight the nomination of John Brennan as CIA director. In 2015, he orated for 10-and-a-half-hours to oppose extension of the Patriot Act

Rand Paul amid his 10 1/2 hour filibuster in 2015

Among the general public, Paul is probably best known as Capitol Hill's chief tormentor of Dr. Anthony Fauci, who was director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease during the Covid-19 pandemic. Paul says the evidence indicates the virus emerged from China's Wuhan Institute of Virology. He's accused Fauci and other members of the US government public health apparatus of evading questions about their funding of the Chinese lab's "gain of function" research, which takes natural viruses and morphs them into something more dangerous. Paul has pointedly said that Fauci committed perjury in congressional hearings and that he belongs in jail "without question."   

Musk is neither the only nor the first noteworthy figure to back Paul for party leader. Just hours after McConnell announced his upcoming step-down from leadership, independent 2024 presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy, Jr voiced his support: 

In a testament to the extent to which the establishment recoils at the libertarian-minded Paul, mainstream media outlets -- which have been quick to report on other developments in the majority leader race -- pretended not to notice that Paul had signaled his interest in the job. More than 24 hours after Paul's test-the-waters tweet-fest began, not a single major outlet had brought it to the attention of their audience. 

That may be his strongest endorsement yet. 

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 20:25

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The Great Replacement Loophole: Illegal Immigrants Score 5-Year Work Benefit While “Waiting” For Deporation, Asylum

The Great Replacement Loophole: Illegal Immigrants Score 5-Year Work Benefit While "Waiting" For Deporation, Asylum

Over the past several…

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The Great Replacement Loophole: Illegal Immigrants Score 5-Year Work Benefit While "Waiting" For Deporation, Asylum

Over the past several months we've pointed out that there has  been zero job creation for native-born workers since the summer of 2018...

... and that since Joe Biden was sworn into office, most of the post-pandemic job gains the administration continuously brags about have gone foreign-born (read immigrants, mostly illegal ones) workers.

And while the left might find this data almost as verboten as FBI crime statistics - as it directly supports the so-called "great replacement theory" we're not supposed to discuss - it also coincides with record numbers of illegal crossings into the United States under Biden.

In short, the Biden administration opened the floodgates, 10 million illegal immigrants poured into the country, and most of the post-pandemic "jobs recovery" went to foreign-born workers, of which illegal immigrants represent the largest chunk.

Asylum seekers from Venezuela await work permits on June 28, 2023 (via the Chicago Tribune)

'But Tyler, illegal immigrants can't possibly work in the United States whilst awaiting their asylum hearings,' one might hear from the peanut gallery. On the contrary: ever since Biden reversed a key aspect of Trump's labor policies, all illegal immigrants - even those awaiting deportation proceedings - have been given carte blanche to work while awaiting said proceedings for up to five years...

... something which even Elon Musk was shocked to learn.

Which leads us to another question: recall that the primary concern for the Biden admin for much of 2022 and 2023 was soaring prices, i.e., relentless inflation in general, and rising wages in particular, which in turn prompted even Goldman to admit two years ago that the diabolical wage-price spiral had been unleashed in the US (diabolical, because nothing absent a major economic shock, read recession or depression, can short-circuit it once it is in place).

Well, there is one other thing that can break the wage-price spiral loop: a flood of ultra-cheap illegal immigrant workers. But don't take our word for it: here is Fed Chair Jerome Powell himself during his February 60 Minutes interview:

PELLEY: Why was immigration important?

POWELL: Because, you know, immigrants come in, and they tend to work at a rate that is at or above that for non-immigrants. Immigrants who come to the country tend to be in the workforce at a slightly higher level than native Americans do. But that's largely because of the age difference. They tend to skew younger.

PELLEY: Why is immigration so important to the economy?

POWELL: Well, first of all, immigration policy is not the Fed's job. The immigration policy of the United States is really important and really much under discussion right now, and that's none of our business. We don't set immigration policy. We don't comment on it.

I will say, over time, though, the U.S. economy has benefited from immigration. And, frankly, just in the last, year a big part of the story of the labor market coming back into better balance is immigration returning to levels that were more typical of the pre-pandemic era.

PELLEY: The country needed the workers.

POWELL: It did. And so, that's what's been happening.

Translation: Immigrants work hard, and Americans are lazy. But much more importantly, since illegal immigrants will work for any pay, and since Biden's Department of Homeland Security, via its Citizenship and Immigration Services Agency, has made it so illegal immigrants can work in the US perfectly legally for up to 5 years (if not more), one can argue that the flood of illegals through the southern border has been the primary reason why inflation - or rather mostly wage inflation, that all too critical component of the wage-price spiral  - has moderated in in the past year, when the US labor market suddenly found itself flooded with millions of perfectly eligible workers, who just also happen to be illegal immigrants and thus have zero wage bargaining options.

None of this is to suggest that the relentless flood of immigrants into the US is not also driven by voting and census concerns - something Elon Musk has been pounding the table on in recent weeks, and has gone so far to call it "the biggest corruption of American democracy in the 21st century", but in retrospect, one can also argue that the only modest success the Biden admin has had in the past year - namely bringing inflation down from a torrid 9% annual rate to "only" 3% - has also been due to the millions of illegals he's imported into the country.

We would be remiss if we didn't also note that this so often carries catastrophic short-term consequences for the social fabric of the country (the Laken Riley fiasco being only the latest example), not to mention the far more dire long-term consequences for the future of the US - chief among them the trillions of dollars in debt the US will need to incur to pay for all those new illegal immigrants Democrat voters and low-paid workers. This is on top of the labor revolution that will kick in once AI leads to mass layoffs among high-paying, white-collar jobs, after which all those newly laid off native-born workers hoping to trade down to lower paying (if available) jobs will discover that hardened criminals from Honduras or Guatemala have already taken them, all thanks to Joe Biden.

Tyler Durden Sun, 03/10/2024 - 19:15

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