International
China extending its reach in bid to control oil market
China – the world’s largest crude oil importer – is increasingly leveraging its position of influence on the global energy chessboard China – the world’s largest crude oil importer, second-largest oil consumer after the United States and the…

China – the world’s largest crude oil importer – is increasingly leveraging its position of influence on the global energy chessboard
China – the world’s largest crude oil importer, second-largest oil consumer after the United States and the world’s number 1 polluter – is increasingly leveraging its position of influence on the global energy chessboard.
In a bid to tame rising oil prices last November, the United States spearheaded a co-ordinated release by major oil-consuming nations of oil from strategic reserves.
China agreed to be a part of the initiative. However, asserting its growing influence on the global crude oil equation, China made it clear it would determine the timing. China has announced it will release crude from its strategic inventories between Jan. 31 and Feb. 6. This would be the second release from the Chinese strategic reserves in recent months.
With the COVID-19 variant Omicron causing disruptions, China has also urged people in major cities, including its capital Beijing, not to travel during the Lunar New Year holidays.
Efforts to control the pandemic have resulted in lower crude consumption. But China has been the global oil demand driver for the last decade, accounting for 44 per cent of worldwide growth in oil imports since 2015.
China’s annual crude oil imports slid 5.4 per cent in 2021, dropping for the first time since 2001, as the nation clamped down on excess domestic fuel production and refiners drew down massive inventories.
However, Chinese imports from the U.S.-sanctioned Iran and Venezuela are also rising. Processors in China bought 324 million barrels from Iran and Venezuela in 2021, about 53 per cent more than the year before, Bloomberg reported, quoting data from market intelligence firm Kpler. That’s the most since 2018 when China took 352 million barrels from the two nations.
Buying sanctioned crude oil isn’t too arduous. Iranian and Venezuelan crude is often rebranded and passed off as from Oman and Malaysia. According to official data, China hasn’t received any Iranian crude since December 2020, while imports from Oman and Malaysia have risen.
The price of Iranian and Venezuelan crude is the real incentive. Market experts say Iran’s crude prices are as much as 10 per cent lower than the prevailing crude market price.
But China fully understands the current pandemic-related disruptions are a passing phase. Ultimately, things will return to normal, and so will its crude oil appetite.
China National Offshore Oil Corp. (CNOOC) plans to boost its 2022 oil and gas production by 10 per cent from last year’s goal. Thirteen new projects are expected to come on stream, and it plans to drill 360 exploration wells this year while continuing to raise output to record levels, Oilprice.com reported.
CNOOC has set its production target at 600 million to 610 million barrels of oil equivalent (boe) for 2022, up from the 2021 target of 545 million to 555 million boe.
And to ensure continuous crude supplies, China is beginning to flex its geopolitical muscle. The exit of ExxonMobil from the Iraqi field of West Qurna 1 has allowed China and Russia to increase their influence on the Iraqi oil sector, says Simon Watkins at Oilprice.com. PetroChina – an arm of the China National Petroleum Corp. – already has a 32.7 per cent stake in the field and the exit of ExxonMobil provides China with an additional opportunity to emerge as the dominant force on the site. Iraq will need to depend even more on China to increase its output to reach its targets.
China is also increasing its focus on Oman. China accounts for around 90 per cent of Oman’s oil exports and most of its petrochemical exports. Now it wants to play a still bigger role in building the oil and petrochemical sector of the country.
China is also building its relationship with Saudi Arabia. And Venezuela and Russia are already regarded as close allies to China on the global crude oil chessboard.
To ensure a secure crude oil supply in the future, China is making strong strategic moves.
By Rashid Husain Syed
Columnist
Troy Media
Toronto-based Rashid Husain Syed is a respected energy and political analyst. The Middle East is his area of focus. As well as writing for major local and global newspapers, Rashid is also a regular speaker at major international conferences. He provided his perspective on global energy issues to both the Department of Energy in Washington and the International Energy Agency in Paris.
Courtesy of Troy Media.
oil pandemic covid-19 iran russia chinaInternational
Repeated COVID-19 Vaccination Weakens Immune System: Study
Repeated COVID-19 Vaccination Weakens Immune System: Study
Authored by Zachary Stieber via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),
Repeated COVID-19…

Authored by Zachary Stieber via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),
Repeated COVID-19 vaccination weakens the immune system, potentially making people susceptible to life-threatening conditions such as cancer, according to a new study.
Multiple doses of the Pfizer or Moderna COVID-19 vaccines lead to higher levels of antibodies called IgG4, which can provide a protective effect. But a growing body of evidence indicates that the “abnormally high levels” of the immunoglobulin subclass actually make the immune system more susceptible to the COVID-19 spike protein in the vaccines, researchers said in the paper.
They pointed to experiments performed on mice that found multiple boosters on top of the initial COVID-19 vaccination “significantly decreased” protection against both the Delta and Omicron virus variants and testing that found a spike in IgG4 levels after repeat Pfizer vaccination, suggesting immune exhaustion.
Studies have detected higher levels of IgG4 in people who died with COVID-19 when compared to those who recovered and linked the levels with another known determinant of COVID-19-related mortality, the researchers also noted.
A review of the literature also showed that vaccines against HIV, malaria, and pertussis also induce the production of IgG4.
“In sum, COVID-19 epidemiological studies cited in our work plus the failure of HIV, Malaria, and Pertussis vaccines constitute irrefutable evidence demonstrating that an increase in IgG4 levels impairs immune responses,” Alberto Rubio Casillas, a researcher with the biology laboratory at the University of Guadalajara in Mexico and one of the authors of the new paper, told The Epoch Times via email.
The paper was published by the journal Vaccines in May.
Pfizer and Moderna officials didn’t respond to requests for comment.
Both companies utilize messenger RNA (mRNA) technology in their vaccines.
Dr. Robert Malone, who helped invent the technology, said the paper illustrates why he’s been warning about the negative effects of repeated vaccination.
“I warned that more jabs can result in what’s called high zone tolerance, of which the switch to IgG4 is one of the mechanisms. And now we have data that clearly demonstrate that’s occurring in the case of this as well as some other vaccines,” Malone, who wasn’t involved with the study, told The Epoch Times.
“So it’s basically validating that this rush to administer and re-administer without having solid data to back those decisions was highly counterproductive and appears to have resulted in a cohort of people that are actually more susceptible to the disease.”
Possible Problems
The weakened immune systems brought about by repeated vaccination could lead to serious problems, including cancer, the researchers said.
Read more here...
International
Study Falsely Linking Hydroxychloroquine To Increased Deaths Frequently Cited Even After Retraction
Study Falsely Linking Hydroxychloroquine To Increased Deaths Frequently Cited Even After Retraction
Authored by Jessie Zhang via Thje Epoch…

Authored by Jessie Zhang via Thje Epoch Times (emphasis ours),
An Australian and Swedish investigation has found that among the hundreds of COVID-19 research papers that have been withdrawn, a retracted study linking the drug hydroxychloroquine to increased mortality was the most cited paper.
With 1,360 citations at the time of data extraction, researchers in the field were still referring to the paper “Hydroxychloroquine or chloroquine with or without a macrolide for treatment of COVID-19: a multinational registry analysis” long after it was retracted.
Authors of the analysis involving the University of Wollongong, Linköping University, and Western Sydney Local Health District wrote (pdf) that “most researchers who cite retracted research do not identify that the paper is retracted, even when submitting long after the paper has been withdrawn.”
“This has serious implications for the reliability of published research and the academic literature, which need to be addressed,” they said.
“Retraction is the final safeguard against academic error and misconduct, and thus a cornerstone of the entire process of knowledge generation.”
Scientists Question Findings
Over 100 medical professionals wrote an open letter, raising ten major issues with the paper.
These included the fact that there was “no ethics review” and “unusually small reported variances in baseline variables, interventions and outcomes,” as well as “no mention of the countries or hospitals that contributed to the data source and no acknowledgments to their contributions.”

Other concerns were that the average daily doses of hydroxychloroquine were higher than the FDA-recommended amounts, which would present skewed results.
They also found that the data that was reportedly from Australian patients did not seem to match data from the Australian government.
Eventually, the study led the World Health Organization to temporarily suspend the trial of hydroxychloroquine on COVID-19 patients and to the UK regulatory body, MHRA, requesting the temporary pause of recruitment into all hydroxychloroquine trials in the UK.
France also changed its national recommendation of the drug in COVID-19 treatments and halted all trials.
Currently, a total of 337 research papers on COVID-19 have been retracted, according to Retraction Watch.
Further retractions are expected as the investigation of proceeds.
International
Complying, Not Defying: Twitter And The EU Censorship Code
Complying, Not Defying: Twitter And The EU Censorship Code
Authored by ‘Robert Kogon’ via The Brownstone Institute,
So, word has it that…

Authored by 'Robert Kogon' via The Brownstone Institute,
So, word has it that Twitter has withdrawn from the EU’s Code of Practice on Disinformation, a fact that appears only to be known thanks to a couple of pissy tweets from EU officials. I cannot help but wonder if this is not finally Elon Musk’s response to the question I asked in my article here several weeks ago: namely, how can a self-styled “free-speech absolutist” be part of a “Permanent Task-Force on Disinformation” that is precisely a creation of the EU’s Code?
But does it matter? The answer is no. The withdrawal of Twitter’s signature from the Code is a highly theatrical, but essentially empty gesture, which will undoubtedly serve to shore up Musk’s free speech bad-boy bona fides, but has virtually no practical consequences.
This is because: (1) as I have discussed in various articles (for instance, here and here), the effect of the EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA) is to render the hitherto ostensibly voluntary commitments undertaken in the Code obligatory for all so-called Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) and (2) as discussed here, the European Commission just designated a whole series of entities as VLOPs that were never signatories of the Code.
Twitter is thus in no different a position than Amazon, Apple and Wikipedia, none of which were ever signatories of the Code, but all of which will be expected by the EU to comply with its censorship requirements on the pain of ruinous fines.
As EU officials like to put it, the DSA transformed the “code of practice” into a code of conduct: i.e. you had better do it or else.
Compliance is thus not a matter of a signature. The proof of the pudding is in the eating. And the fact of the matter is that Musk and Twitter are complying with the EU’s censorship requirements. Much of the programming that has gone into the Twitter algorithm is obviously designed for this very purpose.
What, for instance, are the below lines of code?
They are “safety labels” that have been included in the algorithm to restrict the visibility of alleged “misinformation.” Furthermore – leaving aside the handy “generic misinfo” catch-all – the general categories of “misinformation” used exactly mirror the main areas of concern targeted by the EU in its efforts to “regulate” online speech: “medical misinfo” in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, “civic misinfo” in the context of issues of electoral integrity, and “crisis misinfo” in the context of the war in Ukraine.
Indeed, as Elon Musk and his lawyers certainly know, the final version of the DSA includes a “crisis response mechanism,” (Art. 36) which is clearly modeled on the European Commission’s initially ad hoc response to the Ukraine crisis and which requires platforms to take special measures to mitigate crisis-related “misinformation.”
In its January submission to the EU (see reports archive here), in the section devoted precisely to its efforts to combat Ukraine-war-related “misinformation,” Twitter writes (pp. 70-71):
“We … use a combination of technology and human review to proactively identify misleading information. More than 65% of violative content is surfaced by our automated systems, and the majority of remaining content we enforce on is surfaced through regular monitoring by our internal teams and our work with trusted partners.”
How is this not compliance? Or at least a very vigorous effort to achieve it? And the methodology outlined is presumably used to “enforce on” other types of “mis-“ or “disinformation” as well.
Finally, what is the below notice, which many Twitter users recently received informing them that they are not eligible to participate in Twitter Ads because their account as such has been labeled “organic misinformation?”
Why in the world would Twitter turn away advertising business? The answer is simple and straightforward: because none other than the EU’s Code of Practice on Disinformation requires it to do so in connection with the so-called “demonetization of disinformation.”
Thus, section II(d-f) of the Code reads:
(d) The Signatories recognise the need to combat the dissemination of harmful Disinformation via advertising messages and services.
(e) Relevant Signatories recognise the need to take granular and tailored action to address Disinformation risks linked to the distribution of online advertising. Actions will be applicable to all online advertising.
(f) Relevant Signatories recognise the importance of implementing policies and processes not to accept remuneration from Disinformation actors, or otherwise promote such accounts and websites.
So, in short, vis-à-vis the EU and its Code, Twitter is complying, not defying. Removing Twitter’s signature from the Code when its signature is no longer required on the Code anyway is not defiance. Among other things, not labeling content and/or users as “misinformation,” not restricting the visibility of content and/or users so labeled, and accepting advertising from whomever has the money to pay would be defiance.
But the EU’s response to such defiance would undoubtedly be something more than tweets. It would be the mobilization of the entire punitive arsenal contained in the DSA and, in particular, the threat or application of the DSA fines of 6 percent of the company’s global turnover.
It is not enough to (symbolically) withdraw from the Code of Practice to defy the EU. Defying the EU would require Twitter to withdraw from the EU altogether.
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